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1

INTRODUCTION.

SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF CHILE.

The discovery of Chile by the Spaniards, and the accounts of their first settlements there, form one of the most romantic chapters in the history of the European conquest of South America. After the death of the Inca Atahualpa in 1535, Pizarro, jealous of the influence and ambition of his companion Almagro, represented the conquest of Chile as an object worthy of his talents, and engaged him in it notwithstanding his advanced age, which was then upwards of seventy years.

The desert of Atacama separates Peru from Chile, and of the two practicable roads connecting those provinces, Almagro’s eager impatience chose the shortest, though the most difficult, by the mountains, instead of that by the sea-coast. The sufferings and loss of Almagro’s army, from cold and famine, during their march, appear incredible; and, had not a few soldiers, better mounted than the rest, pushed on to the valley of Copiapo, and obtained supplies from the hospitable natives, which they sent back to meet their suffering companions, in all probability the greater number must have perished.

The Spaniards were kindly treated, and at first received by the Chilenos with a veneration bordering on idolatry: but the thirst of gold and silver, which had led them to seek the country through burning deserts and over snowy mountains, soon led to disputes between the inhabitants and the soldiers, which Almagro revenged on the former severely, and thus laid the foundation for that opposition 2 on the part of the natives which still lays waste some of the best provinces of the state. On reaching the southern side of the Cachapoal the Spanish army met several of the Indian tribes, and particularly the Promaucians, ready to oppose their further progress; and though Almagro was on the whole victorious, he considered the worth of the conquest as insufficient to reward the toils of the conquerors, and in the year 1538 returned with his army to Peru, where, after having possessed Cuzco for a short time, he was put to death by order of Francisco Pizarro, in the seventy-fifth year of his age.

Pedro de Valdivia was the next Spanish leader deputed by Pizarro to conduct an army into Chile: he accordingly entered it in 1540 with 200 Spaniards and a large body of Peruvians, taking the same road as Almagro; but as it was the summer time, the soldiers had nothing to fear from the cold, which had proved so fatal to Almagro. The reception of Valdivia was very different from that given to his predecessor. The Chilenos had learned to hate as well as to fear the invaders. Every step was won by force of arms; and the settlements or colonies established by Valdivia were repeatedly destroyed. Even Santiago, which he founded in 1541, did not find sufficient defence in its citadel of Santa Lucia, but was burnt by the people of the valley of Mapocho while Valdivia was advancing to the banks of the Cachapoal to repel the Promaucians. On his return from that expedition, he sent Alonzo Monroy and Pedro Miranda, with six companions, towards the frontiers of Peru in order to obtain succours; and that they might the more readily entice the European soldiers to join them, their bits and stirrups and spurs were made of gold. This little company was however attacked by the people of Copiapo, and Monroy and Miranda only escaped. They were carried to the ulman or governor of the valley, who had condemned them to death; but the intercession of his wife saved them; a benefit which they repaid with the basest ingratitude. She requested them to teach her son to ride, several of the Spanish horses having been taken and brought to her. They made use of 3 the opportunity to escape, but first needlessly stabbed her son, and then fled to Cuzco.

That city was then governed by Castro, the successor of Pizarro, who granted the assistance desired by Valdivia; and Monroy led a small body of recruits by land to Copiapo, while a considerable force was conveyed by sea, under Juan Baptista Pastene, a noble Genoese. Meantime Valdivia had obtained possession of the rich gold mines of the valley of Quillota; and, sensible that nothing effectual could be done without a communication by sea with Peru, had begun to build a vessel at the mouth of the river of Aconcagua, which rises near the Cumbre pass of the Andes, traverses the whole valley of Quillota, and falls into the dangerous bay of Concon, between the harbours of Valparaiso and Quintero, neither of which receive any considerable rivers.

On receiving the reinforcement from Castro, Valdivia immediately ordered Pastene to explore the coast of Chile, as far as the straits of Magellan; and then despatched him to Peru for fresh succours, as the natives became daily more enterprising, and had recently put to death the whole body of soldiers stationed at the gold mines near Quillota, burned the vessel which was just finished, and destroyed the store-houses at the mouth of the river. On receiving news of this disaster, Valdivia marched from Santiago, revenged the death of his people by exercising as much cruelty as possible towards the unhappy Quillotanes, and built a fort for the protection of the miners. Thence he advanced to meet his new reinforcements under Villagran and Escobar, who brought him 300 men from Peru; and desiring to have an establishment in the northern part of Chile, he pitched upon the beautiful plain at the mouth of the Coquimbo, where he established the colony of La Serena, commonly called Coquimbo, in 1543.

The year following was marked by gaining over the Promaucian Indians to the Spanish cause, to which they have ever since faithfully adhered, impelled probably by their jealousy of their immediate neighbours the Araucanians. Valdivia then pursued his conquests 4 to the southward; but after crossing the Maule was defeated at Itata, and obliged to go in person to Peru to obtain reinforcements. During his absence, the people of Copiapo, who had not forgotten the treacherous murder of their young chief by Monroy and Miranda, fell upon a detachment of forty Spaniards, and put them to death; and those of Coquimbo massacred all the inhabitants of the new colony, and levelled its walls to the ground. Francis Aquirre was immediately sent thither, and rebuilt the town in a more convenient situation in 1549; and Valdivia having returned with a considerable number of new adventurers, the northern part of Chile was, after nine years of incessant and excessive fatigue on the part of the general, reduced to tranquillity, and the lands parcelled out amongst his oldest followers, according to the feudal customs then prevailing in Europe.

The next year, 1550, Valdivia proceeded as far south as the Biobio, near whose mouth, in the beautiful bay of Penco, he founded the city of Conception, in one of the richest and most fertile provinces of Chile. But his progress was stopped here by the Cacique or Toqui Aillavilla, the chief of the Araucanians, who crossed the Biobio in order to succour the people of Penco, and to resist to the death these invaders of their territory.

Araucana is a rich and fertile province, extending from the Biobio to the Callacalla, generally very woody, full of hills, and well watered. The inhabitants are hardy, brave, and passionately fond of liberty: they have never yet been subdued, having equally resisted the armies of the Incas, and those of the Spaniards. It has been their fortune to have a poet in the person of Ercilla, among their enemies, who has done justice to their valour, and preserved the memory of their very singular customs and polity, of which he was an eye-witness, having taken a distinguished part in most of the battles he describes.

Between the first foundation of Conception, 1550, and its destruction in 1554, the activity of Valdivia had founded Imperial on the river, which forms a port at the very walls of the city, which, during 5 the short period of its existence, was the richest city in Chile; Villarica, on the banks of the lake Lauquen; Valdivia on the Callacalla which commands the most beautiful and commodious harbour of the Pacific: Angol, or the City of the Frontiers; and had built the fortresses of Puren, Tucapel, and Arauco, the two latter of which were quickly destroyed by the Cacique Caupolican, who by the assistance of Lautaro, a young hero of his nation, overcame the Spaniards in a great battle, in which Valdivia was taken and put to death.

Lautaro had been taken prisoner by Valdivia, who educated him, and made him his page. He seemed attached to his conqueror, and had never evinced a desire to join his countrymen, till, seeing them routed in battle, and flying before the Spanish artillery, he was seized with shame, stripped off his European garments, ran towards his countrymen, and calling on them in the name of their country to follow him, led them on to that victory which was confirmed by the death of Valdivia. From that day he became their principal leader. Villagran, who succeeded to Valdivia, immediately evacuated Conception, which was burned to the ground by Lautaro; but the smallpox having appeared among the Araucanians, the Spaniards took advantage of the distress occasioned by that dreadful malady, and rebuilt Conception, 1555. Lautaro, however, immediately attacked the new colonists, once more destroyed their city, and marched directly towards Santiago. On the road, however, he was met by Villagran, whom a spy had conducted by a secret path to the sea shore, where the Araucanians had halted in a pass between a high hill and the ocean. He came upon them at day-light, and just as Lautaro, having watched during the night, had retired to rest. Lautaro, who ran to the front of his army as soon as he heard the approach of the enemy, received an arrow through his heart ere he could give directions for the fight; but his people perished to a man; and their enemies record their unshaken valour, and the virtues of the young hero, who, dying in his nineteenth year, has left a name pre-eminent in the history of patriotism.

After the death of Lautaro, Conception was rebuilt, Cañete 6 founded, and the Archipelago of Chiloe discovered by the Spaniards. Ercilla accompanied the discoverers, and inscribed some verses on a tree, recording his name and the date of the discovery, January 31st, 1558; and on the return from Chiloe, the city of Osorno was built.

At this period the Araucana of Ercilla closes; the poem having extended to the events of nine years, the time of the poet’s service in the South American army. He then returned to Spain, and was employed in the European wars of Philip II. The continuation of the poem by Osorio is far from possessing equal merit with that of Ercilla: it extends no farther than the death of the second cacique (called Caupolican), the temporary subjugation of Araucana, and the disappearance of its chiefs.

But while the Spanish governors were engaged in invading Tucuman, and building the towns of Mendoza and San Juan, beyond the Andes, the Araucanians were silently preparing for new wars, and, ere they were expected, sallied from their woods and destroyed the flourishing town of Canete, which was however rebuilt (1665) by the younger Villagran, who had succeeded his father in the government. The next year Ruiz Gamboa was sent to take possession of Chiloe, and founded the city of Castro and the port of Chacao.

Meantime, the long continuance of the war in so important a province as Chile, and the consideration of the great inconvenience of applying to Peru in all cases of civil and criminal jurisdiction, induced Philip II. to establish a court of audience at Conception; but the court, arrogating to itself military as well as civil authority, was soon discovered to be worse than useless, and was therefore suppressed in 1575. There had been a suspension of hostilities between the Spaniards and Chilenos for nearly four years, owing, in great measure, to the effects of an earthquake, which had laid waste a great part of the country; but the Araucanians had employed the interval in diligently seeking allies among the neighbouring Indians, and had engaged the Pehuenches, a mountain nation, and the Chequillans, the most savage of the Indians, to assist them in resisting the Spaniards; and the same harassing and continued warfare took 7 place which had marked the government of each successive captain-general from the time of Valdivia.

Notwithstanding these continued disturbances in the south, the quantity of the precious metals derived from Chile, the fertility of the country, and the mildness of the climate, began to attract the attention of other nations. The English, under Sir Thomas Cavendish, who arrived in 1586, with three ships, attempted to form a settlement in the bay of Quintero, but were immediately attacked and repulsed by the Spaniards, who suffered no nation to interfere in their new settlements. A second expedition under Sir John Narborough, in the reign of Charles II., was still more unfortunate, the whole fleet being lost in the straits of Magellan.

The Dutch also, with five ships, attempted in 1600 to make a settlement in the Island of Chiloe, and began by plundering the settlement and massacring the settlers; but the crew of their commodore having landed at Talca, the Indians fell upon and destroyed them, and the enterprise was therefore abandoned. Meantime the Araucanians, under Paillamachu, had leagued themselves with all the Indian tribes, as far as the Archipelago of Chiloe. Every Spaniard that was found outside of the fortresses was slain, and the cities of Osorno, Valdivia, Villarica, Imperial, Cañete, Angol, Coya, and the smaller fortresses, were invested at once. Conception and Chillan were burned, and in little more than three years all the settlements of Valdivia and his successors between the Biobio and Chiloe were destroyed: the inhabitants, after suffering the extremes of famine, were made prisoners, and the unmarried of both sexes given to people of the country, but the married allowed to retain their wives and families. The descendants of these prisoners are among the most inveterate enemies of the Spaniards, but the Indians have improved in the arts of civil life by their means. The fortunate cacique died in 1603, the year after the taking of Osorno, the last place that he reduced.

To prevent a recurrence of these disasters, a body of 2,000 regular troops was established on the frontier in 1608, which has at least 8 served the purpose of preventing the Indians from any serious invasion of the northern districts; but their predatory inroads have never been wholly repressed, and Araucana continued free.

In 1609, the court of audience, which had been suppressed at Conception, was re-established at Santiago, a city far enough from the Indian frontier not to dread the incursions of the natives, but too distant from the sea, being ninety miles from Valparaiso, its nearest port. This situation, however, had at that period its convenience, as it was out of the reach of the French, Dutch, and English adventurers, who then disturbed the tranquillity and endangered the possessions of the Spanish settlements on the shores of the Pacific.

In 1638, the Dutch made an attempt to form an alliance with the Araucanians, and thus obtain possession of Chile; but that nation refused all intercourse with Europeans, and destroyed the parties the Dutch had landed both in the islands of Mocha and Talca. Not disheartened, however, that enterprising people returned in 1643 with a numerous fleet, troops, and artillery, took possession of the deserted Valdivia, and began to build three strong forts at the entrance of the harbour. But the Indians not only refused to assist them in arms, but denied them provisions; and they were compelled to abandon the place three months after their landing. The Spaniards availed themselves of the labour of the Dutch; finished their forts, and strengthened the island of Mancura. So that the settlement remained undisturbed from without till the late revolution.

While the provinces of southern Chile were thus desolated and depopulated by a continual warfare, the same causes that threw back the other Spanish provinces operated also upon this small state. The unnatural aggrandisement of Spain during the reign of Charles V. involved it in all the wars of the continent of Europe; and as it had lost the advantages it had derived from the arts and agriculture of the Moors, which were never replaced by any corresponding industry, the sole resources whence the long and expensive contests of that prince could be supplied, lay in the quantity of the precious metals imported 9 from the new world. Hence the short-sighted policy of repressing all industry in the colonies, that was not directly applied to the procuring gold and silver, the jealous exclusion of commerce, and the prohibitions of manufactures, excepting the very coarsest for home consumption. The misfortunes which attended the successors of Charles in some measure fell also on their foreign possessions; and as the demand for treasure became more urgent, the circumstances of South America became such as to render the supply more difficult. The wars and the cruelties of the Spaniards had destroyed so many of the Indians, that there were scarcely any left to labour in the mines; and though a bargain was made with the Dutch to supply African negroes for the purpose, the number of these, in Chile at least, was never great. The first viceroys and governors had been men of enterprise and talents; and although the character of Valdivia is not free from the imputation of cruelty, yet the building of towns, establishing something like lawful tribunals, and a disposition to win over, if possible, the natives, which form the principal object both of his government and that of some of his immediate successors, were highly beneficial. But before the accession of Philip V. the wants of a needy court had set up the high offices of the Indies to sale. The viceroys no longer sought to distinguish themselves by arms or policy; and they jealously guarded commerce from the intrusion of strangers only that they themselves might become the sole monopolists. The instructions sent by the court of Versailles to Marsin, the ambassador at Madrid, in 1701, contain the following observations:—“The rights of the crown of the Western Indies have been sacrificed to the avarice of viceroys, governors, and inferior officers.” And again,—“The different councils of Madrid are full of abuses, and that of the Indies particularly so. In it, so far from punishing malversations, the guilty are supported in proportion to their bribes. The excesses of the viceroys and other officers remain unpunished. This impunity, and the immense property which they bring back, encourage their successors to follow the same example. On the contrary, if any one, from a principle of honour, 10 pursues a different course, his disinterestedness is punished by a shameful poverty. If he is a subaltern, the reproach which his conduct draws on his superiors, or the attention he bestows to throw light on theirs, exposes him to hatred. He soon feels the effects, in the loss of his employments; for truth never reaches the king of Spain; distance gives facilities for disguising it, and timely presents can always obscure it.”

Meanwhile, the ambitious and enterprising court of Louis XIV. had turned its views to the advantages to be derived from a colony on the western coast of South America, or, at least, an exclusive right of commerce. Accordingly, having obtained the privilege of supplying Peru and Mexico with slaves, instead of the Dutch, the French ships began to trade thither; and, as opportunity occurred, men of science in different branches were sent to observe and report on the state of the country. Father Feuillé, to whom we are indebted for the best botanical account of Chile, where he resided for three years, was one of these; and Frezier, whose “Voyage to the South Sea” can never be sufficiently commended for its accuracy, was another. But the consequences of this French commerce, as exclusive as that of the Spaniards themselves, were far from beneficial to Spain or the colonies. The French traders were formed into two companies, which interfered with the rights of the Spanish merchants, and excluded all others; and in 1709 we find the following remarkable passage in the memorial on the state of Spain, transmitted by the French minister, Amelot, from Madrid:—“The riches of Peru and Mexico, those inexhaustible sources of wealth, are almost lost to Spain. Not only are complaints made against the French merchants for ruining the trade of Cadiz and Seville, in spite of the regulations of the French court against those who infringe the established rules; but the enormous abuses of the administration of the viceroys continue in full force. Avarice and pillage are unpunished; fortresses and garrisons are neglected; all things seem to portend a fatal revolution.” At this period the viceroys were recalled; and an attempt was made to restrain the enormous profits 11 arising from their offices. Chile was then under the viceroyalty of Peru, and the captains-general often, if not always, nominated by the viceroys; so that the same system of extortion went on, in order to furnish means for the same system of bribery, in a subordinate degree, at the vice-court of Lima, as pervaded the council of the Indies at Madrid.

The feeble monarchs of the house of Bourbon in Spain, were too much harassed by their continual domestic struggles with their people, who never heartily loved or respected the French dynasty, and by the share they took in all European wars, and in that between England and her North American colonies, to have either leisure or power to ameliorate the condition of the western kingdoms. Indeed after the provincial edicts of 1718, drawn up with ability, and well adapted to the circumstances of the country, it does not appear that any considerable effort was made in Europe in favour of the colonists. Some of the captains-general, and viceroys, it is true, earned the name of fathers of the people over whom they presided; and Chile, in particular, has reason to be grateful to Don Ambrosio O’Higgins, an Irish soldier, who, having served in the Spanish armies, afterwards commanded the troops on the frontier of Chile, and having repulsed the Indians, who had once more begun to threaten the tranquillity of that state, he put many of the frontier towns and forts in a state of proper defence, discovered the ruins of Osorno, which he rebuilt, and made an excellent road from Valdivia to that city, thereby facilitating the intercourse with Chiloe. These services were rewarded with the title of Marquis of Osorno, and the office of captain-general of Chile. He continued his beneficent and splendid works on his removal to the capital. He built bridges, he formed the present road by the Cumbre pass across the Andes from Santiago to Mendoza, on which he caused rest-houses to be built for the accommodation of travellers, and he caused the broad carriage-road from Valparaiso to the capital to be constructed in such a manner, that, though it has not since been repaired, it has resisted the rains and earthquakes so often destructive in Chile. 12 On his removal to Lima, as viceroy of Peru, the same disinterestedness as to private fortune, the same regard to public utility, continued to distinguish his character. To him the Limanians are indebted for the fine road between their city and the port of Callao, and for other works of usefulness and ornament. His justice and beneficence, during his administration, are still remembered with gratitude, both in Chile and Peru; and his death, in 1799 or 1800, when he left his family far from rich, was most sincerely regretted.

This event brings us within a very few years of the period when the South American colonies of Spain began to claim, first, equal privileges with the mother country; and, finally, that independence as a right, of which they prepared to assert their possession as a fact, which the fleets and armies of Old Spain were in no condition to controvert. The emancipation of North America had produced an effect, at first unnoticed, but which broke out from time to time in impatient and impotent struggles, both in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies. As the courts of Europe became either more feeble, or more deeply engaged in the momentous concerns of the long revolutionary war, their western settlements came to feel not only that they were strong enough to protect themselves, but that they might eventually be forced to do so, if they wished to evade subjection to a power, whose manners, habits and language, were foreign, and consequently hateful to them. The period during which they were thus, in a manner, left to themselves, taught them to discover and to depend on their own resources; and the constant demands for money supplies from a distant government, which could afford in return little aid or protection, disgusted the natives with so distant and expensive a monarchy.

The influence of the church too, which had hitherto been almost omnipotent in favour of the ancient order of things, began to be exerted, perhaps unintentionally, in the cause of independence. To prevent South America from falling into the hands of the French, a nation without an inquisition, and tolerant alike of Jew, heretic, and infidel, became a serious object with the priests; and hence, 13 while the revolutionists proceeded at first cautiously, and only professed to hold the country for the legitimate sovereign, resisting the French usurpation, the priests were always to be found on the patriot side. They began to discover the necessity of more education among themselves; hence, books long proscribed and placed on the interdicted lists, were sought after, and read with eagerness. Persons were sent even to England to purchase these; and though, in the first heat of the moment, good and bad were taken together, and systems of all kinds mingled and confused, yet all tended to produce an anxious longing for independence, a serious determination to cast off the yoke of the mother country.

This design was furthered in no small degree by emissaries from the central junta of Old Spain, who came partly to raise supplies for the Peninsular war, partly to persuade the colonies to disavow the sovereignty of Joseph Buonaparte, and to reserve themselves for their rightful sovereign Ferdinand. They brought with them the opinion of Don Gaspar Jovellanos, delivered on the 7th of October, 1808, before the central junta, where he says, “When a people discovers the imminent danger of the society of which it is a member, and knows that the administrators of the authority, who ought to govern and defend it, are suborned and enslaved, it naturally enters into the necessity of defending itself, and of consequence acquires an extraordinary and legitimate right of insurrection.” The South Americans were too much in earnest in their wishes for independence to let slip so favourable a pretext, and those who had not begun the work of revolution before, now advanced towards it with greater or less caution as their situation permitted.

But there is no comparison between the circumstances under which the British colonies of North America asserted their independence, and those in which the Spaniards in South America are now struggling for it. The Spanish colonies, from the first, had furnished such abundance of gold and silver, that they became at once the objects of the attention, and of the interference of the government in Europe. The whole cumbersome machinery of an 14 old monarchy, ecclesiastical, military, and civil, was at once transferred to them. The rights of Mayorasgo, which is, in fact, a strict entail, by keeping immense tracts of uncultivated land in the hands of individuals, checked population by preventing that division of property so favourable to cultivation, and consequently to the increase of hands.* And, finally, every act of government emanated directly from the council at Madrid, and every officer of consequence, was a Spaniard sent from Europe, so that there was no occasion which could call out the talents, or exercise the powers of the natives of the country.

* I am aware that the subdivision of property may be carried to a mischievous length, as is now, or will shortly be, the case in France by the operation of the Agrarian law. But in Chile the enormous estates are mischievous, because it is impossible that any one proprietor in the present state of the country, or perhaps in any state, should attempt the improvement of a twentieth part of his land.

But the political institutions of the British colonies were more favourable to the improvement of the states, and the cultivation of the land, than any other. Many of the original settlers were men who were carried there by the desire of liberty of conscience, who took with them that sturdy and independent spirit which resists interference, as oppression; and who, forming their own provincial councils, legislated and governed for themselves, and transmitted that privilege to their children. The land too was by no means so engrossed. Alienation was made easy, and as each person obtaining a new grant was obliged to cultivate a certain proportion of his land, population increased as rapidly as the means of subsistence; and the governors being mostly chosen from among the colonists themselves, there was always a proportion of men so educated as to be capable of that important task.

Hence the states of North America, firm and united in purpose, and prepared by the best education (for there is an education of states as well as men), rose at once from the state of a disunited colony, after an expensive war, to the dignity of a great nation, while years must, perhaps, elapse before the harassed provinces of Spanish 15 America can assume a national character, even now that the yoke of Spain is virtually broken, for want of the internal material, if I may so speak, to form a government.

The whole system of Spain, while the colonies were kept close, was, with regard to them, commercial, and not political. The viceroys were, in fact, after the first wars with the natives were over, no more than the presidents of a set of monopolists; their views were bounded by their sordid and narrow mercantile interests, and the government and occupation of Mexico and Peru were never looked upon otherwise than as a means of acquiring riches, while the freedom, happiness, or interest of the inhabitants was neglected. Sloth and ignorance were the necessary consequences; and when the people roused, as from sleep, and asserted their independence, the habits and ideas of the class, from which of necessity the chiefs and governors were chosen, had been so moulded on those of the ancient order of things, that they have followed the same path; and regarding the possession of power as merely that of the capital of a mercantile company, they have speculated accordingly, and, by petty trafficking, public and private monopolies, and trading schemes, have injured the people they ruled, excited distrust among foreigners, and, in many cases, ruined themselves.

Such, at least, has been the case in Chile, and such I believe it to have been in Peru and the provinces of La Plata. I am too little informed of the facts relating to Columbia and Mexico, but, from what has come to my knowledge, I suspect it has not been very different with them: but it is time to return to the history of Chile, of which alone I can speak with certainty.

It was on the 22d of June, 1810, that Carasco, captain-general of Chile, having convened the inhabitants of Santiago to a meeting in the palace square for the purpose of promulgating to them the orders of the expatriated court of Spain to obey the French regency, that the first popular tumult took place. Some private meetings had been held before. The agents of the central junta were not inactive, but no public occasion had yet appeared to call forth the public 16 sentiment. On that day, however, it was loudly declared, and although Carasco was suffered to remain in his office, the whole of the other members of his government, with the exception of Reyes, the secretary, were dismissed, imprisoned, or banished. A few days afterwards Carasco himself was cashiered, and brigadier-general Torre, Conde de la Conquista, was elected captain-general by the people.

At this time the royal troops in Chile consisted only of the usual 2000 men on the Indian frontier, with about fifty dragoons in the capital; and of these a part had been already gained over to the cause of independence by Don Bernardo O’Higgins, then bearing a colonel’s commission, and stationed at Chillan, his native town. This officer was the son of Don Ambrosio O’Higgins, Marquis of Osorno, who sent him early to Europe, where he remained some years, five of which were spent in England, at the academy of Mr. Hill, at Richmond, in Surrey, where he had not only learned the language perfectly, but a good deal of the free and independent spirit of the nation.

The conditions on which Torre was made captain-general were, that he should not acknowledge the French regency, but reserve the province of Chile for king Ferdinand, adhering meantime to the principles and constitution of the junta. But some bolder patriots ventured to hint at a more complete independence, and the Marquis, with his natural timidity, at first endeavoured to silence these whispers, and afterwards sent the authors of them, among whom was the poet Dr. Vera, prisoners to Lima. Mean time the principal persons of the country had resolved on a complete change in the form of government, and on the 18th September of the same year a meeting was held, at which the office of captain-general was suppressed, and a junta was appointed which was to acknowledge the rights of Ferdinand, but to resist every foreign authority. Torre, the ex-captain-general, was named president; his colleagues were the Marquis de la Plata (the richest man in Chile), Don Francisco Rayna, Don Juan Henrique Rosales, Don Juan Martinez Rosas, and Don Ignacio 17 Carrera, the speaker or secretary of the junta. The president was allowed a casting vote.

The first act of the junta was to levy an army, if we may call two small bodies of raw recruits by that name. The first of infantry was intrusted to Jose Santiago Luco, the agent for the junta of Old Spain, and, under him, to Don Juan Jose Carrera, the second son of Don Ignacio, and the other, a mounted troop, was placed under Torre, the son of the president. The next object to which the junta directed its attention was the assembling a national congress, to consist of members from every township in Chile, and while means were taking for carrying this desirable measure into effect, the Marquis de la Conquista died in the month of November, and the more active Rosas was elected president in his stead. It was not until the 11th of April of the following year (1811), that the people of the different towns met to elect their representatives, and on that occasion the first blood was shed on account of the Revolution. The immediate cause of this was as follows:—The royal party of Buenos Ayres had requested assistance from Chile, and accordingly 400 men had been detached from the army of the southern frontier under Don Tomas Figaroa by sea, from Talca to Valparaiso, whence they were proceeding by land to cross the Andes by the road of the Cumbre to Mendoza. They had already reached Casablanca on their way, when the fifty dragoons of the capital, alarmed at the electorial meetings, sent to Figaroa, entreating him to hasten his march, and to take under his command, not only their troop, but the recruits which were in training for the patriot army, whom they engaged to secure. Figaroa, leaving his 400 men to follow, pushed on to Santiago, and putting himself at the head of the dragoons, who had performed their promise of securing the recruits, whom they forced sword in hand to join them, went into the plaça with the imprudent determination of dispersing the people assembled for the purpose of electing their representatives. They were not, however, to be deterred from their purpose, and turning on the royalists, completely discomfited them and forced them to retreat, leaving about forty persons of both sides dead in the square. 18 Figaroa took refuge in the convent of San Domingo, where he was discovered the next day and brought out and shot in the plaça.*

* May 5th, 1810. The viceroy, Cisneros, unable to resist the public voice at Buenos Ayres, had called together the first junta of government to resist the French claims on that province, and to establish a provisional government. In 1811, Artigas began to distinguish himself;—there has been scarcely a three months’ cessation of civil war in that wide province since.

Meantime the business of election proceeded, and in June the congress met. Don Bernardo O’Higgins, who was afterwards to act so conspicuous a part in the Revolution, being the deputy from Chillan. The first act of the representative body was to depose the junta, and constitute itself a legislative assembly, confiding the executive power to the commission of three men, Rosas, the president of the former junta, Don Martin de Incarada, and Don —— Mackenna. But Rosas was, at this time, absent at Conception, called thither by a species of civil discord which had nearly ruined the patriot cause. Conception having had some former claims to being considered the capital of Chile, being in fact nearly in the centre of its provinces, and situated on a harbour the most advantageous for commerce, had also been the most forward in furthering the cause of independence. Its inhabitants, therefore, insisted that the seat of government should be there placed, and particularly that the congress should sit there. The people of Santiago, however, who had long enjoyed the advantages attendant on having the metropolis fixed in their city, were not disposed to give them up. They pleaded also the safety of their situation, equally removed from the Indians and the sea; whereas Conception, so near the Araucanian Indians, who might easily be prevailed on to invade and waste their lands, (as indeed they have done since,) was too much exposed to be proper for the assembly of the legislative body. The prudence of Rosas for the time quieted the clamour of the people of Conception; and, as he still remained among them, Don Juan Miguel Benevente was appointed his proxy as one of the executive triumvirate.

The first act of the legislative assembly was to abolish slavery. All children of slaves were from that moment born free, and all 19 slaves brought to Chile were to become free on six months’ residence there. But the congress, as is usual with all new political bodies, attempted to compass more than was within its reach at so early a period. Not content with seeking to establish independence by adapting old institutions to circumstances, substituting new where necessary, raising troops, and above all guarding the frontier; a college, museum, printing-office, and other public establishments were projected, which, however, there was not time to bring to any degree of perfection before another revolution took place, by means of a young man who acted so conspicuous a part in several succeeding years, both in Chile and the states of Buenos Ayres, that some account of him cannot be altogether uninteresting.

Don Jose Miguel Carrera was the second son of Don Ignacio Carrera, of an ancient Creole family, rich itself originally, but still richer at the period of the revolution, from the grants or easy purchases obtained by Don Ignacio, of certain lands forfeited either by old Spaniards, or by religious bodies which had been suppressed. This young man, possessed of great advantages of person, natural intelligence, and many qualities of a higher class, was uneducated and wild. In early life, like the heroes of Moliere’s comedies, he had recourse to all sorts of petty and entertaining roguery to raise money to supply his private, and not always innocent expenses; till, at length, one of these expedients encroached so largely on the fortune of an uncle established as a merchant at Lima, that Don Ignacio, by way of separating him at once from the evil companions whom he regarded as the seducers of his son, sent him to Spain, where he entered the army. There is a dark story of an Indian murdered while defending the honour of his wife or daughter, which his enemies talk loudly of, and his friends know to be too consonant to his habits not to fear it true.

But Spain, at that period, was the last place which could reform either the morals or manners of a youth so gifted as Jose Miguel Carrera;—overrun with armies from every country in Europe; full 20 of all the crimes and wretchedness attendant on foreign and domestic strife. He imbibed indeed a spirit of enthusiasm, and a knowledge of the partisan or guerilla warfare which harrassed the French, and, even more than the victories of Wellington, drove them out of Spain; and he returned to Chile with no profit but a wish to join in the struggle for independence, and no desire but to imitate Napoleon,—to profit by what had been done by others, and to possess the country, and raise his family to a rank hitherto unequalled there.

The influence of his family was great. Don Ignacio, no longer a member of the actual government, yet possessed great weight; Juan Jose was already second commander of the chief body of the troops; the sister, Donna Xaviera, a lady of great beauty and address, both by her first and second marriage was connected with some of the principal families of Chile; and the younger brother, a singularly handsome youth, was very generally beloved on account of the sweetness of his manners, and his uncommonly amiable disposition.

With these advantages, Jose Miguel did not find it difficult to cause the dismissal of Luco from the head of the army, and to procure his own appointment to succeed him. His frank and noble manners quickly engaged the affections of the soldiers, his liberality confirmed their attachment, while his enthusiasm and eloquence gained him many partisans among the higher classes. But the command of the army while subject to the congress, and while that command was divided with the colonel of the artillery and other officers not of his family or faction, did not satisfy his ambition: he therefore began to sound the opinions of the various parties which a time of revolution is sure to form. To the patriots he pretended a thorough zeal for their cause mingled with hints of the slow progress of the congress; to the royalists he promised to restore the ancient order of things; and his own party were to see a council established with Don Ignacio at their head, and the three sons in command of the horse, foot, and artillery of the state. These schemes were not so quietly agitated but that reports and rumours of them got abroad; but so frankly did Jose Miguel carry himself, 21 so fearlessly did he deny or laugh at all who ventured to name them, that all suspicion seems to have been lulled. On the night of the 14th of Nov., when Mackenna, the commander of the artillery, called on Juan Jose in his quarters, he found the whole family assembled; the three brothers, Donna Xaviera, and the father: but as Juan Jose seemed to be confined by illness, even the unusual appearance of Don Ignacio in town, did not excite surprise. Jose Miguel accompanied Mackenna back to his lodging, saying laughingly, “certainly now they will say that my father is come to town to place himself at the head of affairs.” The next morning, at daybreak, the city was alarmed by the sound of beating to arms. The principal officers of the artillery and grenadiers were placed under arrest. Juan Jose remained at the foundling barracks, while Luis put himself at the head of the artillery and detached two guns to the aid of his brother. Jose Miguel dispersed the senate and established a new junta of which he was declared president, and all the offices of government were filled by the Carreras and their connections.

Such a government, however, where the chief power was in the hands of a man of talent, it is true, but of so imprudent a character that no one could trust him,—of so changeable a will that himself knew not always what his own intentions were,—and so great a lover of pleasure, that the slightest temptation allured him to forget the gravest affairs of state in music and dancing, displeased all the provinces which were not in the immediate neighbourhood of the capital. The juntas of Valdivia and Conception, in particular, made heavy complaints; the old claim of the latter city to be considered as the metropolis was revived; and a civil war appeared inevitable.* The 22 discontent of the south, indeed, had arisen to such a pitch, that Carrera put himself at the head of the troops, and advanced as far as the Maule, in order to reduce Conception; but Rosas was still there, and, having heard of the march of the army, he went out to meet it.

* The account given above of the early life of Jose Miguel Carrera, and of the manner in which he seized the government, was communicated to me by a gentleman who had resided during the whole period at Santiago, who was tenderly attached to Luis Carrera, his schoolfellow, and who evidently softened many things in his recital as much as possible. Nevertheless, I print as an appendix Mr. Y.’s very interesting paper, entirely satisfied of the truth of every part where Mr. Y. was an eye-witness, and knowing the rest to be the story told by the family, who undoubtedly loved Jose Miguel with a warmth honourable to him, although even his friends confess that he had no steadiness and little principle even in private life.

On reaching Carrera’s head-quarters on the banks of the river, his prudent representations induced the young general to withdraw, and for this time to spare the effusion of blood. He therefore returned to the capital on the 12th of March, 1813, and resumed the reins of government. The sixteen months of his power had been of little use to the country. His profuseness to the soldiers increased their numbers indeed, but it was at an expense so new a state was ill able to bear; and of many useful projects he had formed, not one was really accomplished, partly owing to his unsteadiness, and partly to want of money.*

* The means which were resorted to in order to procure horses and other necessaries for the army rather resembled the lawless actions of a freebooter than those of the head of a regular government,—for private property was in no case respected.

Meanwhile the viceroy of Peru, Abascal, was no indifferent spectator of the affairs of Chile; and seeing the discord that prevailed, he had ordered general Pareja, who commanded in Chiloe, to observe both parties carefully, and to seize on the first favourable occasion to restore the royal government. In consequence of this order, Pareja landed in Chile in the middle of the very month in which Carrera had made his excursion to the Maule. It appears that the royalists in Conception and Valdivia had believed Carrera to be in earnest in his professions of attachment to their party, at the time he had first seized the government, and that he would unite himself with Pareja as soon as a fit opportunity occurred. They therefore openly declared themselves for the royal cause. There was no union in the opposite party; and the whole of the south of Chile was soon in the hands of the invader.

But the Carreras, though by their imprudence they often forwarded the royal cause, or hurt that of the patriots, were not traitors; at 23 least in that sense. They immediately marched towards the south, and in the very beginning of April the head-quarters of their army were at Talca. All the officers which their dissensions had cashiered or rusticated, were recalled. Mackenna was quarter-master-general; O’Higgins commanded all the troops of the south, and the native militia—a useful body in such a country, being most expert horsemen, and armed with lances fifteen feet long. The deep and rapid Maule formed the line of defence, whose very fords are not always practicable for horse, much less for infantry. A person named Poinsett, acting as American consul, was then with the Carreras, and appears to have taken an active part in all affairs, even to interfering in the military business of the time; but his ignorance, if not his cowardice, seems to have been of singular disservice to those unfortunate young men, who, following his advice, more than once retired to safe quarters, while inferior officers were gaining advantages over the enemy; and the unhappy issue of the affair of Yervas-buenas, which at first appeared favourable to the patriots, is entirely attributed to him.

Jose Miguel remained at head-quarters at Talca, five leagues from the river, while the great body of the army under Luis was on the bank of the Maule. Fortunately for the Chilenos, Pareja seems to have been a man of as little capacity for military affairs as their own leaders. Numerous skirmishes took place, the patriots generally gaining ground, till at length, in the beginning of October, the action of the Roble, where O’Higgins turned the fortune of the day, drove the enemy into Chillan, and left the Chilenos masters of the country between the Maule and Itata.

The singular and irregular conduct of the Carreras had now disgusted most of the Chilenos; their absence from the capital allowed time and opportunity for conspiring against them, and their overthrow was carried into effect quietly and decorously. It is believed, that the family of La Rayna was the centre of the plot; but they prudently took no direct share of the government themselves, appointing 24 as Supreme Director of the state, Don Henriquez Lastra*, a man of unquestioned probity and great good sense, though slow in business, then governor of Valparaiso and head of marine, and sending an order to Jose Miguel Carrera to place the command of the army in the hands of Don Bernardo O’Higgins. This order was for some time evaded, but at length complied with about the period when the brothers, Jose Miguel and Luis, were taken prisoners by the royalists and confined in Chillan. Meantime the patriots had recovered most of the territory north of the Biobio, and particularly the town of Conception. O’Higgins found the army in a sad state of want, the military chest exhausted, and daily parties were deserting†; so that he did not refuse to negotiate with the new Spanish general, Gaenza, who had been deputed from the vice-court of Peru, on the death of Pareja. The British captain, Hillier, of His Majesty’s ship Phœbe, became guarantee for the performance of the conditions of the peace, the articles of which were signed at Lircae near Talca, on the 3d of May, 1814. It was stipulated that Chile should acknowledge the sovereignty of Ferdinand, at least until his restoration: and, meantime, govern herself by congress, and enjoy a free trade. Gaenza was bound to give up the Carreras, and with his army to evacuate Chile. But while the commissioners repaired to Lima to submit these articles to the consideration of the viceroy, a new change of affairs placed the Carreras once more at the head of the government.

The escape of the brothers from Chillan is said to have been managed by a royalist lady, who delivered them from prison, and gave them horses and money to convey them to Santiago. They disguised themselves as peasants; and early in August arrived at the city, where they went from house to house, and from barrack to 25 barrack where they were known; and having prepared their party, and won over most of the soldiers, they deposed Lastra, and Jose Miguel once more became the chief of the state*. The first object of the brothers was to seize the treasury, which contained 800,000 dollars; they then gave way to all the imprudence of their characters, and their government became insufferably oppressive.

* His colleagues were Don M. Munnos Orroa and Don Jose Urive.

While these things were going on in Chile, the terms of the convention of Lucae had reached Lima, where Abascal was on the point of signing them, when the regiment of Talavera, with Marco at its head, arrived from Spain, and volunteered to go alone and overrun Chile; on which the viceroy changed his determination, and sent a strong body of troops* under General Osorio, who sailed from Callao on the 18th of July, landed at Talcahuana on the 12th of August, and marched immediately towards Santiago. “The incapacity of a weak and distracted government,” says Gibbon, “may often assume the appearance and produce the effects of a treasonable correspondence with the public enemy.” And this juncture furnishes a fatal proof of the justice of the remark, for while General O’Higgins, who had been indefatigable in forming new troops and reducing the old to order, hung upon and harassed the march of Osorio, and was on the point of giving him battle in the neighbourhood of San Fernando, he received a deputation from all the authorities of Santiago and the neighbouring towns, entreating him to march immediately to the capital against a worse foe than the Spaniards themselves, in the person of Carrera, whose yoke had become intolerable. He accordingly left the main body of the army, consisting of about 2000 men, to observe the enemy, and marched towards the city with 900, when he met Carrera at the head of a very superior force, on the plain of Maypu, at a place called the Espejo, and sustained a decided defeat. After which he appealed both to the versatile Carrera and to those who had sent to invite him to leave the army, 26 whether it would not be better to unite to destroy the common enemy, and afterwards adjust their internal disputes, representing also to his own party, that the tyranny of Carrera being new would easily be put down, but by no means must they allow the Spaniards to regain their ancient dominion. The proposal was approved, Jose Miguel Carrera returned to the city, O’Higgins marched to Rancagua, where the enemy had arrived, and Juan Jose at the head of a large body of troops was to follow and join him. But O’Higgins was disappointed, the troops of Carrera never arrived. He was surrounded in Rancagua, and for thirty-six hours a fight continued from street to street, and from house to house, the Spaniards giving no quarter. About noon of the second day, Osorio sent a deputation to O’Higgins, offering him personal safety, and even royal favour, if he would surrender. This he indignantly refused, saying, he would not accept even of Heaven from the king, and that though he gave quarter he desired none. In an hour afterwards the town was on fire in several places.† “They covered us,” said the general‡, “with black and red, death and fire. So I took my banner, and I caused them to sew a black stripe across it; and the fire having now reached the very house from which we were fighting, and our ammunition being all expended, we broke through one of the squares that had been formed round our house, sword in hand, and made our way to the capital.”

On joining Carrera, O’Higgins represented to him, that as Osorio had lost many men, if all the troops were united they had still enough to overcome him, and save the capital. But a panic seems to have seized the whole body of government. Carrera hastily gave orders for the demolition of several of the public works, particularly the 27 powder mills; all the public papers and acts of the new government were burned; and, taking with him the remains of the public money, he began a disorderly retreat towards Mendoza on the first of October, 1814, and Osorio entered the city on the fifth of the same month, and, re-establishing the chamber of royal audience, appointed himself captain-general, and exercised his functions by punishing with severity the most distinguished patriots, many of whom were exiled to Juan Fernandez.

Mean time, some of those who had been most inimical to the royal cause sought safety in flight, and accompanied the 600 troops who followed Carrera across the Andes. The season was particularly backward; the snows had not yet melted; and of the 2000 persons who left the city, many, especially among the women and children, perished from cold and hunger in the Cumbre. It was too early for horses or any beast of burden to travel: so that these wretched fugitives performed the long and painful journey on foot, laden with the necessary provisions for the passage.

On their arrival at Mendoza, the Carreras instantly claimed a right to the government of the town; a claim evidently inconsistent with their fugitive situation, and which San Martin*, who then governed that town under the junta of Buenos Ayres, certainly would not attend to, but which had the effect of beginning that rooted dislike to them which at length brought about the death of the three brothers.

* I have never been able to ascertain exactly either the place of his birth or his true parentage. He was in Spain attached to the military police, and is a very different person from the brave general San Martin, for whom many persons have mistaken him.

Such were the events of the first revolution in Chile, in which much was done, because the old systems had been broken up, and the people had learned in some measure to know their power: they also had learned, that unless they turned their attention to the marine, and formed a naval force, they could never be safe from the invasion of troops from Lima, or even from Spain. Hitherto they had possessed only two or three miserable gun-boats and launches, which had 28 been chiefly employed in carrying intelligence along the coast, and keeping up a correspondence with the patriots of Peru.

Osorio’s government lasted two years, during which time the Carreras, with their sister, Donna Xaviera, and their wives, had been occasionally residents in Montevideo, Buenos Ayres, &c. Jose Miguel had gone to North America to endeavour to raise supplies and procure ships, O’Higgins served in the patriot army of Buenos Ayres, and Mackenna was killed in a duel by Luis Carrera.

But it was not the mere possession of the government by a Spanish general that could again reduce Chile under the Spanish yoke. Besides the wish for independence, and for deliverance from their double thraldom, (for such it was, being bound both to the king of Spain and the vice-king at Lima), many individuals had risen to a consequence they had scarcely hoped to attain, and which, having attained, they were not likely to part with. “From shopkeepers and tradesmen, and attornies, they had become statesmen and legislators;” and as all men desire to possess influence and consequence, at least in their own country, this motive once felt, there was no reasonable hope of easily overcoming it. The reign of Osorio, or of Marco, his deputy, in Santiago, therefore, was not very tranquil; and as the wretched state of Spain prevented her from succouring her generals in the colonies, he was but ill prepared for the events of the early part of 1817, which lost Chile for ever to the crown of Spain. The state of the country itself was deplorable. The effects of civil war are at all times shocking to humanity. This had been both a civil war and a foreign one. Natives of the country had fought on either side, and foreign soldiers and generals were engaged; hence there were the petty and private hatred and malice of the first, and the want of sympathy with the sufferers of the last. Many of the dismissed soldiers had formed bands of thieves and murderers, and infested the thickets every where to be found between Santiago and Conception; nor was the road to Valparaiso exempt from the same. The regiments of Chillan and Talavera were employed in detachments which took it in turn to scour the country, and, if possible, 29 seize and bring to the city the persons of the robbers;—a most harassing employment for them, and one which but ill answered its purpose. In any other country and climate famine would probably have been the consequence of these misfortunes; but Chile, as if spontaneously, still continued to produce her seventy and eighty fold of corn, and to supply Peru.

Buenos Ayres, under all its various governors and forms of government, had always looked upon Chile as linked in interest with itself. Those who thought of establishing one great empire, regarded it as the province which should command the trade of the Pacific, and probably secure the riches of the Philippines and Moluccas beyond it; while those who contemplated a federal state, saw it as a member under a light at least as flattering; and all depended upon its union with the provinces to the eastward of the Andes, as a matter of course. Hence, when the Chileno fugitives, after the battle of Rancagua, reached Buenos Ayres, they were not only favourably received, but a great effort was made to restore them to their country, and to assist them once more to shake off the Spanish dominion. There was besides a strong motive for such an effort. The passages across the Chilian Andes are short and easy, while those from Peru are distant and difficult; so that while the royal troops possessed Chile, the viceroy of Peru could always succour or communicate with the old Spaniards beyond the mountains by means of the port of Valparaiso. Therefore, to cut off this communication was of the greatest consequence to Buenos Ayres itself. Accordingly, the latter end of 1816 was employed in collecting a force at Mendoza, under general Don Jose de San Martin. Besides the Chilenos who had fled after the action of Rancagua, and many others on that side of the Andes, there were some troops from Buenos Ayres, particularly two negro regiments, which were placed under the immediate orders of General O’Higgins. General Saleres also commanded a considerable body of troops; and the whole number of the “army of the Andes” amounted to about 4000 men.

While San Martin was preparing all things at Mendoza for his 30 invasion of Chile, he caused himself to be surprised more than once by some Spanish prisoners of war that were on the point of returning to Osorio, in the act of examining maps and plans of the road by the south, called the Planchon, into Chile, and even went so far as to write false despatches and cause them to be surprised, intimating, that, in order to avoid the difficulty of the Cumbre, he meant to march by the Planchon. Accordingly most of the royal troops were kept in that quarter to be ready to receive him. In fact, a small party under General Don Ramon Freire did march that way; another small division took the usual road of the Cumbre; while the main body of the army pursued the way of San Juan de los Patos, with such complete secrecy, that the whole had crossed the mountains and reached the plain of Chacabuco before the enemy knew that they had left Mendoza. It was on the 4th February, 1817, while every body was expecting to hear of invasion in the south, that unwelcome intelligence was received in Santiago, that a party of the patriots had surprised the guard of the Andes about fifteen leagues from the villa of Santa Rosa, and that only thirteen men had escaped to bring the news. The guard of los Patos also brought intelligence that the enemy had been seen in that pass. The city was instantly in the greatest agitation: Marco the governor, together with the Cabildo, ordered and counter-ordered, appointed officers and changed them, and even then seemed preparing for flight. On the 5th Col. Quintanilla* was despatched from the city, to reinforce the troops already stationed in Aconcagua, Santa Rosa, and on the roads. He found on the 6th that most of the forces under Major Atero had retired to the heights of Chacabuco, leaving behind their ammunition and baggage, so hasty had been their retreat. On the 7th there was some skirmishing between the outposts near Curimon, in which the royalists were worsted; but it was not till the 12th that the great action of Chacabuco was fought, an action of infinite importance, not only to Chile, but to the whole of South America. Bolivar had been driven out 31 of Terra Firma, and had taken refuge in Jamaica, the Buenos Ayrians had just suffered a signal defeat at Tucuman; and had Marco’s troops gained the victory, the communication between the royalist armies would have been open, and the most mischievous consequences must have ensued.

* The same who, with persevering loyalty, still (1823) holds Chile for the king of Spain.

General O’Higgins happened early on the morning of the twelfth to be looking over the plain from the summit of a rock, he perceived, and pretty justly estimated the number of the enemy at 3000.* San Martin was determined not to think them so numerous: but O’Higgins, certain of what he saw, persuaded Soler to join in his representation, and then begged permission, though his was not the division appointed to attack, to meet the enemy in a certain favorable situation: several refusals could not make him yield the point, and at length he rather extorted permission than gained assent, and made the attack at three o’clock in the afternoon. The patriots were once so hardly beset, being but the handful of O’Higgins’s own division, that they sent for assistance, but did not wait for it, and before help arrived it was unnecessary. O’Higgins charged and broke the first line: every one fled, and the patriots remained masters, not of the field only, but of the baggage, ammunition, &c.; and the royalists fell back in every direction, under their leaders Maroto and Eloriaga.

When the loss of the battle was known in Santiago, the confusion was beyond description; every one escaped as he could, loaded with what he could carry, and the chief among the first. Some made their way by the Cuesta de Prado, others by the defiles of the Espejo, and some by the road of Melipilla: all crowded towards the sea. On the evening of the 13th, the confusion was transferred to Valparaiso, where, when some officers of rank arrived, they could scarcely find room in the crowded vessels. The magistrates had all embarked; 32 the port was abandoned; the populace in parties were ransacking the houses, and the beach was covered with people trying in vain to get on board the ships. 2000 ounces of gold and silver belonging to the treasury had been lost or stolen, and the prisoners had broken loose, and turned the guns of the batteries upon the royalists. Nine ships full of the fugitives sailed for Peru, but being in want of water, put into Coquimbo, where the patriots fired on their boats, and they proceeded to Guasco, where they discovered, that in the hurry of their departure they had left their chief, Marco, behind, each vessel thinking he was in the other. Upon this discovery, Don Manuel Olaguer Zelin took the command, and the little fleet proceeded in safety to Lima.

The patriots immediately marched into Santiago, where all their friends, and all who found it convenient to appear such, joined them. General San Martin was called upon to take the office of supreme director; but he excused himself, and recommended to their choice Don Bernardo O’Higgins, a native of the country, as one of her bravest and most enlightened defenders; San Martin remained at the head of the army. Meantime, the royalists still possessed the provinces of the south, and maintained a constant communication with Peru by means of their superiority at sea, a superiority which threatened to render vain all the exertions of the patriots.* The attention of the new government was, therefore, immediately turned to the creating a naval force. Captain Tortel, a Frenchman, who had been a privateer and a smuggler on so large a scale as to have been almost the commander of a man of war, and almost a merchant, had long been settled in Chile. He was from Toulon, and had the principles and feelings of the best and earliest of the French republicans. The two launches which, in the former patriot government, had done 33 such good service by conveying intelligence along the coast were his, and he now, with incredible pains, had begun to form a little squadron, having been appointed captain of the port; persons were empowered to purchase two frigates in North America; and the agents of the patriots had instructions to treat with officers in England, and to purchase vessels there.

* See Appendix. Manifesto del Gubrerno. The English merchants had effectually assisted the patriots by supplying them regularly with arms and accoutrements. An official paper of the royalist government of 1816, alleges as a recent reason for not allowing strangers to enter the ports, even to trade in copper, that Don Juan Diego Bernard had supplied the patriots with ninety-eight pair of pistols.

But the first object, unquestionably, was to regain the southern part of Chile; and accordingly in the month of May, 1817, i.e. two months after the action of Chacabuco, O’Higgins took the command of the army of the south, leaving the government in the hands of three commissioners, but some difficulties and disputes arising among them, Don Luis Cruz* was appointed deputy-director. It was not long before great part of the province and the town of Conception were reduced; but in the beginning of 1818 a strong reinforcement arrived at Talcahuana from Lima, commanded by Osorio, who immediately marched towards Santiago with 5000 men. He was met by San Martin at the head of the patriot troops, over whom, on the 19th of March, at a place called Cancharayada, near Requelme, he gained a complete victory, dispersing the Chilenos and wounding O’Higgins, who returned immediately to the capital, where all was alarm, and many women and children went out and crossed the mountains to Mendoza, as after the battle of Rancagua.† But the director exerted himself to repair the evil: money, clothes, and provisions, were instantly dispatched to the army. Many families gave their plate to be coined; the foreign merchants contributed their goods, their money, and their credit, so that by the fifth of April, the Chileno army under generals San Martin and Belcarce, and colonels Las Heras, Freire, and others, again interrupted Osorio on his way to Santiago. At one day’s march from that city, the battle of Maypu was fought, on the plain to the south, called the Espejo, and never was action more decisive. Of Osorio’s army 2000 were 34 left dead on the field, 2500 were made prisoners, besides 190 officers; the artillery, medical establishment, and military chest, all fell into the hands of the Chilenos; but Osorio, with 200 horse, escaped. This victory was justly hailed as the greatest and most complete, as well as the most important in its consequences, that had been gained during the long course of the revolutionary war. It was, indeed, the last effort the Spaniards made for the recovery of Chile, though Talcahuana, Valdivia, and Chiloe, still held out against the patriots, and it allowed the Chilenos to carry the war out of their own territory, an advantage still more important.

But, while the public papers and public proclamations hailed general San Martin as the hero of Chacabuco and Maipu, those engaged in these battles, and who, consequently, were eye-witnesses of his conduct, ventured to doubt his personal bravery. At Chacabuco he was scarcely within sight of the action. At Maipu general Belcarce, colonels Las Heras and Freire and some others had fixed the attention of their fellow-soldiers, and it was not till he appeared leading the victorious troops after the action, that they remembered San Martin. However, pyramids, and medals, and ribbons, were decreed, and the general joy was too great to admit of very nice inquiries.

The forces on either side were not numerous; Osorio’s, as we have seen, amounted to little more than 5000 men: but they were principally of trained and disciplined troops; while the Chileno army chiefly consisted of raw recruits and the country militia, armed only with Indian lances; the numbers were 4500 foot, and 2500 horse, with twenty pieces of artillery.

After the relation of such a victory, it is painful to advert to the tragical event which took place nearly at the same period at Mendoza. The attempt of the Carreras to seize on that town, on their retreat from Chile in 1814, had neither been forgotten nor forgiven by San Martin, who then governed it; and the restless and ambitious spirit of Jose Miguel, had involved his brothers too deeply in his projects, to render it safe for them to cross the path of their enemy. Nevertheless, Juan Jose, and Luis, after many various adventures, 35 depending on the temper of the ruling parties of Buenos Ayres, and wishing to join their family in Chile, proceeded towards it in disguise by different roads, and at different times. They had been seized and recognised, however, near Mendoza, and there closely imprisoned. They more than once attempted their escape, well knowing that they could expect but little mercy from the military governor. The young and lovely wife of Juan Jose, accompanied her husband, and sold every thing of value belonging to her, to provide him even with common necessaries in the prison: it will give some idea of their sufferings, when it is stated, that a friend having sent her a fanega of flour, she actually went to the public market-place to sell it, to obtain a supply of other necessaries for her husband; and that a shoemaker whom she had formerly employed, seeing her in the market, and touched by her distress, made her rest in his house, while he disposed of the flour to the best advantage; and on the price obtained for it she and her husband subsisted almost until his untimely death. Meantime a commission had been sitting to take cognizance of the crimes of the Carreras. I have read the published account of it attentively; the chief article is the attempt to escape from prison—for as to having been members of the government of Chile, and having endeavoured to repossess themselves of their former influence, times of civil war open but too fair a field to all adventurers not to warn any successful leader to beware how he punishes such attempts too severely, lest the axe should fall in turn on his own neck. After the commission had sat some time in Mendoza, San Martin’s confidential secretary, Monteaguda, arrived there, it was said solely in consequence of the rout of Cancharayada. But on the 8th of April, not many hours after he reached the place his name appeared affixed to the sentence of death pronounced on these unfortunate young men, which sentence was executed at six o’clock the same evening. They were seated on a bench in the public square, and, as the soldiers fired, they embraced each other, and so died! Their death excited pity for them, and fear of the party that so wantonly used its power: that fear has been 36 deepened into horror against some of the individuals. It must be confessed, that the severity was useless; and useless severity in governments, is always criminal. Their authority is conferred, that they may increase and guard the happiness of the community with the smallest possible abridgment of freedom, or happiness to individuals. But even while the struggle for independence was going on, the new governors became so intoxicated with power, that, with the name of freedom on their lips, they oppressed and murdered, and, while they gratified their own base passions, they called it public duty.

The Carreras were neither good nor useful citizens, but the two who had now suffered were, at least, harmless, and might surely with their families have been permitted to breathe in some climate, where they could not have interfered with the soldiers or governors of Chile.*

* See Mr. Yates’s paper, in the Appendix.

Meantime, the Spaniards had blockaded the port of Valparaiso by means of the frigate Esmeralda of 40 guns, and the brig Pezuela; but as the government had purchased a large vessel, called the Lautaro, armed and manned as a ship of war, and had given the command of it to Mr. George O’Brian, a lieutenant in the British navy, he resolved to go out and attack the enemy on the 27th of April, 1818; he did so accordingly, and both vessels had actually struck: but Captain O’Brian, having headed the boarders, who had taken possession of the deck of the Esmeralda, was shot by a man from below, whose life he had just spared. This sad event, by which Chile lost an active and intelligent officer, together with the confusion occasioned by the Esmeralda taking fire, obliged the Lautaro to retire without her prizes who escaped, but the port remained free from blockade. This little, though brilliant action, raised the spirits of the Chilenos to the highest pitch; and they redoubled their efforts to raise money to procure and equip a squadron. Taxes, voluntary loans, and subscriptions were all resorted to, and all were paid cheerfully for the 37 great object. In aid of this, several privateers were fitted out, which at least served to procure intelligence of the motions of the enemy. But the encouragement of the privateers having been found detrimental to the manning of the regular ships of war, an order was published commanding them to give up their men, and to return to trade some time in August, in which month also are dated the first regulations for the rank of officers, and the first naval appointments, the admiral being Don Manoel Blanco Encalada, an artillery officer, who had many years before served as a midshipman in the Spanish navy; and the other officers were, with few exceptions, nearly as little qualified by previous habits for the service. During the course of the same month, a large ship, called the Cumberland, laden with coals, and commanded by Mr. Wilkinson, who had been first mate of an East Indiaman, arrived at Valparaiso: she was immediately purchased, and her captain persuaded to stay with her; and by the 30th of August she was converted into a ship of war, new named the San Martin, and hoisted the Chileno flag.

A singular piece of good fortune befell the Chilenos at this juncture. The Spanish government had fitted out nine transports, under the convoy of the fifty-gun frigate, the Maria Isabella, in which were embarked upwards of 2000 troops, under Don Fausto del Hoyo, destined to reinforce the viceroy of Peru. The crew of one of the transports, the Trinidad, or rather the soldiers on board, rose on the officers, seized the ship, and carried her into Buenos Ayres, where they joined the patriots, and gave information of the force of the rest, and their destination to the south of Chile. A courier was immediately despatched across the Andes: the government took its measures accordingly, and, redoubling every effort to get the squadron to sea, it sailed on the 9th of October in pursuit of the enemy. The force consisted of the San Martin, 64 guns, commanded by Captain Wilkinson, and bearing Admiral Blanco’s flag; the Lautaro, 50 guns, commanded by Captain Worcester, who 38 was master of an American privateer during the last war, and who went to Chile on mercantile speculation; the 20 gun corvette, Chacabuco, under Don Francisco Diaz, an artillery officer, and an old Spaniard; the brig Araucana, 18 guns, Captain Morris; and the Pueyrredon, Captain Vasquez. On the 28th of the same month, the squadron discovered the Maria Isabella and transports in Talcahuana bay, under the guns of the fort, which contained four field-pieces, four one pounders, and three other guns of the same calibre. But with these it could do little or nothing to annoy the ships. The Maria Isabella and the transports were in a dreadful state—one-third of the crews and soldiers having died on the passage, partly because too many men had been put on board in proportion to the tonnage of the vessels,—partly from the want of ventilation and cleanliness in the ships during so long a voyage; and the crew, of the Spanish frigate, after landing her sick, was reduced to 200 men at the most. Such was the condition of the adverse ships when the patriots, having about 1000 men, arrived in the bay. The Spaniards made a defence creditable to themselves, and when obliged to strike, the Maria Isabella ran ashore under the batteries, which endeavoured to protect her, but they were too weak for the purpose, and she was got off the day after. This was a real subject of triumph for the people of Chile. They had not only reduced the enemy’s power, but they had gained a ship for their own squadron second to none of her class, an admirable sailer, and provided amply with all kinds of stores. Meantime the Buenos Ayres brig of war, Intrepid, had come round the Horn to assist the Chileno squadron, but did not arrive until the 11th of November, on which day, one of the transports, on her way to Lima, was captured; and before the ships reached Valparaiso, the Helena, another belonging to the same convoy, was seized. Of the nine that sailed from Cadiz, one, the Trinidad, went to Buenos Ayres, seven were captured by the Chilenos, and one was never heard of. Never had a fleet been so welcome to Chile as was the return of the squadron from the south on the 17th of November: it gave a 39 prospect of hastening the plans which had long been meditated for carrying the war out of the country. But the government, though gratified with this first success, and proud of the number of ships raised within seven months, still bitterly felt the want of competent officers. Their hopes were anxiously turned towards England, whence indeed the Galvarino* had lately arrived, and had been received into the service. Besides her commander, Captain Spry, she brought out Captain Guise, of the English navy, who was not without hopes of obtaining the command of the naval forces of the country; and a number of followers were about him who were so much interested that it should be so, that they seemed to consider it as his right, and had partly persuaded him to think the same. Captain Forster, of the British navy, had also gone to Chile with similar hopes and similar fancied claims; and at that juncture the success of the late expedition had not rendered either Captain Wilkinson or Captain Worcester willing to yield to any junior officer in the Chileno employ. Where these disputes might have terminated it is idle to inquire: they were, for the present at least, silenced by the arrival of one of the ablest officers that even England had ever produced.

* Formerly the Hecate, an English 18-gun brig of war. Captains Guise and Spry bought her, and brought her to Chile on speculation. She was purchased from them by the government of Chile, after being refused at Buenos Ayres.

By one of those singular coincidences which not the fondest calculation for the benefit of Chile could have anticipated, the agents of the government of that country, who had been instructed, if possible, to procure the assistance of some able commander, (Sir H. Popham, was once named,) were fortunate enough to find Lord Cochrane at liberty to devote himself entirely to the cause of South American independence—A cause to which he could honestly give his talents and his time, without violating those principles of regulated freedom, from which he had never departed.

The state of the Chilian navy required a man of prudence as well as courage, of temper as well as firmness, and in no one man did 40 these qualities ever meet in so eminent a degree. His naturally powerful mind had received all the solid advantage and much of the grace of cultivation; and his singularly gentle and courteous manner, which veiled while it adorned the determination of his character, was admirably calculated to conciliate all parties.*

* If I had less cause for gratitude towards Lord Cochrane, I should probably do more justice to him, but to speak of him as he should be spoken of, would require not only an abler pen, but feelings more free from that sensitiveness that makes a friend modest in speaking of friend, as though he were a part of himself.

He arrived with his family in a small vessel called the Rose, on the 29th of November, and was received with the greatest joy by the director, who came from Santiago to Valparaiso to welcome him. On the 9th of December the Maria Isabella was named the O’Higgins, and it was understood that she was to be offered to Lord Cochrane, but he did not hoist his flag on board of her until the 22d. There had been a petty scheming and intriguing cabal among the officers already in Chile, who, rather than see one so superior to them all at their head, or perhaps afraid lest he should lead them into danger, actually endeavoured to bring about a sort of divided command, wishing, as they said, two commodores and no Cochrane. This was not merely the cry of the English officers, they had gained some of the inferior ministers, whose jealousy of a nobleman and a foreigner it was not difficult to excite; but Admiral Blanco, the only man whose rank and interest were really likely to be affected by Lord Cochrane’s arrival, cordially supported him, convinced that he was the only proper person for the situation.

Such was the state of the naval affairs of Chile at the close of the year 1818, the most eventful in the history of the country since its discovery. It will be necessary to go back a few months, in order to notice the state of the civil government.

On the first appointment of the director, all power, legislative as well as executive, devolved necessarily on him. No monarch is ever so absolute, for the moment, as a military chief just successful, especially 41 in the cause of independence, since he has the power of opinion as well as the power of the sword along with him.

Le premier qui fut Roi, fut un Soldat heureux.

But it became necessary to think of some kind of constitution for the country. Accordingly, the director named a commission for the purpose of drawing up the project of a provisional government*, to serve until circumstances permitted the calling together a representative congress. As soon as it was framed, books were opened in every parish, where every head of a family, or man who had means of living by his own industry, provided he was not actually accused of any crime before a court of justice, was competent to enter his assent or dissent, in presence of the curate, judge, and scrivener: the majority of votes determined the adoption of the provisional constitution, and on the 23d of October it was solemnly sworn to. On the same day, agreeably to one of its articles, the director named a senate, to advise with and assist him, whose province it was to make and modify laws and regulations, and superintend the business of the state; but the whole executive power remained with the director, and no secretary or employed minister was to be admitted into the senate. Its members were five:—

Don Jose Ignacio Cienfuegos, Governor of the province of Santiago.

Don Francisco de Borgo Fuentisilla, Governor of the City.

Don Francisco Antonio Perez, Dean of the tribunal of Appeals.

Don Juan Augustin Alcalde.

Don Jose Maria Rosas.

Each of these was provided with a deputy or proxy, in case of sickness or absence.

* Projecto de Constitution provisoria para el estado de Chile, 1818.

The first labours of the senate were naturally directed to the improvement of the finances, which, in spite of a total want of knowledge and principle in political economy, did advance considerably. Their attention was then turned to the establishing schools, the 42 repairing of the old public works, and the forming new, particularly the canal of Maypu, which conveys the waters of that river along a high level, for the purpose of irrigating an immense plain, formerly barren, and the resort only of robbers, but with water capable of every kind of improvement.* These works had the advantage of giving employment to the numerous prisoners of war, whose subsistence would otherwise have been a heavy burden upon the state, and whose treatment was such when not so employed as humanity would gladly draw a veil over. But the Spaniards had given terrible examples,—no wonder if the nations they had oppressed sometimes retaliated.

* The sale of the land and of the water on this plain has more than paid the expense, and is beginning to be a profitable concern to the government.

General San Martin meantime had visited Buenos Ayres, but chiefly resided at Mendoza; he was augmenting the army, for the purpose of invading Peru, so soon as the troops and money could be ready, by means of the Chileno squadron; and he was believed, not without reason, to be the real director of all the affairs of Chile. The ascendency this man had acquired is singular; his courage is more than doubtful, and his talents are not above mediocrity. But he has a handsome person; an imposing air; a versatile manner, accommodating itself to all tastes, from that of a finished courtier to a country clown; and a great power of feigning. He is one of those of whom Bacon says, “There be that can pack the cards, and yet cannot play well: so there are some that are good in canvasses and factions, that are otherwise weak men.” His secretary, Monteagudo, has many qualities in common with him; but the failings of the master are carried to a greater length, and certainly he is superior even to San Martin in unfeeling cruelty. But his acuteness is astonishing; he is “perfect in men’s humours,”—and so leads them by their own foibles: his eloquence was of great service to the good cause, though on many occasions his proclamations and state papers savour too much of that bombastic turn which the Spaniards in general are reproached with, and which is, indeed, very conspicuous on the western side of the Atlantic. The plain simple good 43 sense, honesty, and right feeling of O’Higgins, was not always a match for the more worldly talents of San Martin; and he was too apt to rely on the honesty of others from the very uprightness of his own intentions. It is singular, that, with that natural straightforward honesty, he should ever have been induced to admire or practise any thing like a crooked policy; but he was taught to consider it as a necessary evil in civil government, and therefore always preferred the camp to the palace, as there, at least, deception could not be requisite. The secretary, Zenteno, afterwards minister of marine, and governor of Valparaiso, was now rising into importance. He had been an attorney in Conception, had joined the patriot army early in the revolution; and, having been among the fugitives in 1814, had been so reduced as to serve as a boy in a pulperia, drinking-house, in Mendoza, for a maintenance, but rejoined the army of the Andes in 1817, and reappeared in his proper station. Zenteno has read a little more than is usual among his countrymen, and thinks that little much: like San Martin, he dignifies, scepticism in religion, laxity in morals, and coldness of heart, if not cruelty, with the name of philosophy; and, while he could show creditable sensibility for the fate of a worm, would think the death or torture of a political opponent a matter of congratulation. His manner is cold; but, as he is always grave and sententious, and possesses much of the cunning and quickness commonly attributed to his former profession, he passes for clever.

Such were the principal persons with whom Lord Cochrane had to deal on his arrival in Chile. O’Higgins was sincere; and of San Martin it may be said, that, like Lord Angelo,

the possibility of exercising absolute power in the rich country of Peru. But events will speak for themselves. The present business is with the history of Chile, during the early part of the year 1819.

The squadron of Chile then consisted of the O’Higgins, Lord 44 Cochrane’s flag-ship, commanded by Captain Forster; the Lautaro, Captain Guise; the San Martin, Captain Wilkinson; and the Chacabuco, Captain Carter.* These ships sailed from Valparaiso under Lord Cochrane’s command, on the 15th of January. Most anxiously did the people of Chile look upon this expedition. It was the first time they had dared to attack the enemy in his own strong-hold. Callao had always been deemed inexpugnable, and the ships of Spain had been accustomed to consider it as an inviolable sanctuary. Now the Chilenos saw their ships sailing to attack it, and a feeling of dread at the daring mingled with their hopes. Their own port had been blockaded but a few months before, and all their wishes had then been confined to being freed from the enemy’s ships. But they had changed situations; theirs was now to be the inviolable port, and their ships were to attack the strong-hold of the enemy.

* There were also the Galvarino, Araucano, and Pueyrredon.

No wonder that every report was eagerly listened to, and that a stranger sail giving flattering news of their squadron was eagerly received; at length, however, true despatches arrived, and they were published in a series of extraordinary gazettes, as the most important documents that had ever reached Chile. The fleet had been principally manned with natives, many of whom were wild from the mountains: the whole squadron might have on board 300 foreign seamen, including officers; so that there was ground for anxiety on more than one account concerning the expedition. But the very first trial was sufficient to prove that the navy of Chile would in a short time have the dominion of the Pacific.

The squadron had fallen in with several vessels; and from the information obtained from them, the admiral had determined to cruize off Lima until the 21st of February, to intercept the San Antonio, which was bound for Cadiz with a considerable treasure on board; and then, on the 23d, the last day of the Carnival, to run into the bay with the Lautaro, and attack the ships and forts during the confusion usually occasioned by that festival.* The San Martin 45 was to remain behind the island of San Lorenzo, to act according to circumstances. But, on the 21st, so thick a fog came on that the ships lost sight of each other: it continued for four days, so that the plan for the 23d was frustrated. On the 26th it cleared a little, and the San Martin took the Victoria, laden with provisions from Chiloe to Lima; but the fogs which are so common on the coast of Peru still rendered it impossible for the squadron to act until the 29th, when a heavy firing was heard, which the admiral imagined was one of his ships engaging the enemy; he therefore stood towards the bay of Callao. The San Martin, Lautaro, and Chacabuco, who each imagined the admiral in action, steered the same way; and, just as the fog cleared away for a moment, they discovered one another. That moment of light had also discovered a strange sail among them; the O’Higgins followed and took her: she was a gun-boat, having on board a lieutenant and 20 men, one 24 pounder, and two pedreros. The admiral learned from the gun-boat, that the firing heard in the morning was in honour of the viceroy, who was visiting the forts and ships. Lord Cochrane, sure that some of his ships had been seen, determined to run into Callao, both to try his ship’s company, and to endeavour to capture some vessel of war, or at least some of the gun-boats; the Lautaro followed him closely. They found the enemy’s ships arranged in a half-moon of two ranks, the rear rank so disposed as to cover the intervals between the ships of the front rank; the merchant vessels were stationed in the rear, and the neutrals were anchored on the right. The O’Higgins had neutral colours†: but it was of little consequence. At four o’clock in the afternoon, the Esmeralda began to fire on the two ships; her fire was immediately followed by that of the whole line of Spanish ships, and of the batteries. Unfortunately Captain Guise was severely wounded early, and his ship retired from action. Neither the San Martin nor 46 Chacabuco came to support the O’Higgins, whether from a doubt as to the result, or from mistaken orders, has never appeared; and, therefore, the admiral, after sustaining the fire of three hundred guns from the ships and forts for two hours, was obliged reluctantly to retire.‡ The port of Callao was now declared in a state of blockade; and the squadron, when not cruizing, lay under the island of San Lorenzo, off the forts of Callao, about two and a half miles distant. On the 2d of March, the boats of the squadron, under Captain Forster, attacked the signal post on the island of San Lorenzo, destroyed it, released twenty-nine Chilenos, part of the crew of the Maypu who were chained and employed on the public works; and a few Peruvian prisoners were made.

As soon as the patriot squadron appeared in the bay of Callao, it had been debated in the vice-regal council whether red-hot shot might be lawfully employed against it, and the opinion of the archbishop declared in favour of it; but although some fell near the O’Higgins, as she was crossing the bay in spite of the firing of the ships and forts to stop a vessel entering, none seem to have done any damage. Between the 4th and the 17th of March a correspondence, of so singular and characteristic a nature, that I shall give large extracts at the end of the volume, took place between Lord Cochrane and the Viceroy of Peru. The subject was, the exchange of prisoners, man for man, and rank for rank. The letters of Lord Cochrane are full of humanity and gentleness; they aim at introducing a more humane system of warfare than that which had hitherto disgraced the struggles in South America; and they contain, on the part of his country, himself, and the men of his own rank in his country, the most dignified justification of his conduct in the war of independence.

Meantime there were constant skirmishes with the gun-boats. On the night of the 22d of March, a project that was first planned for that of the 19th, but then abandoned because the enemy became 47 aware of it, was to be carried into execution: the boats were sent into the harbour first with a fire-ship, and the large ships were to follow, cover, and support them; but, by some inexplicable fatality, none but the O’Higgins joined, and thus the scheme was rendered nugatory. By this time the squadron was in want of water and other necessaries, and therefore on the 25th it sailed to Huaura to procure them. Here, after two days’ amicable intercourse with the natives, the officers suddenly found the water refused, and the people forbidden to bring them provisions; upon which a party was landed from the ships, which marched to the little towns of Huacho and Huaura, and took them on the 30th without difficulty, thereby securing a good watering place and market for provisions. While the squadron was at Huaura, Admiral Blanco arrived there in the Galvarino. This officer hoisted his flag on board the San Martin as second in command, and shortly afterwards sailed to join the cruising squadron and maintain the blockade of Callao.

From the information received on the coast, Lord Cochrane found that several neutral vessels were in the different little ports embarking Spanish property; on which he ran along the coast with some of the vessels, and parties were landed to take possession of the small towns, the inhabitants being not unwilling to be taken. At Patavilca a considerable prize was made, in money (about 67,000 dollars) and provisions, sugars and spirits. At Guambacho 60,000 dollars were taken out of a brig, which was smuggling them on board. At Supe his lordship disembarked the marines, who intercepted about 120,000 dollars under an escort of Spanish infantry. The money was claimed as private property by a Mr. Smith, an American; but as it was under a government escort, it was sent on board the O’Higgins; and it afterwards appeared that it was to have been embarked at Guarmey, in the American schooner, Macedonia, in the names of Abadea and Blanco, the agents for the Philippine Company. The American, Smith, was so enraged at the capture of the money, that in the cabin of the O’Higgins he pulled out a pistol and presented it at the head of Lord Cochrane, who put it aside with his 48 hand, saying, “Put up your pistol, Mr. Smith, you may make a more prudent use of it,” and proceeded coolly with the business he was about without farther notice of the enraged merchant.*

* See the Gazette extraordinary of 2d August, 1819, by which it appears that Mr. Smith had forfeited his claim to be considered as a neutral merchant, having entered warmly into the service of the Viceroy, conducting his dispatches, and carrying his officers from port to port, all which services the Viceroy acknowledges in his public letters.

About the middle of April, part of the squadron appeared before the town of Payta, which the Admiral summoned to surrender. But the Spanish governor, although he must have been conscious of his want of power to resist, defied the patriots. Lord Cochrane, anxious to save bloodshed, sent a second flag of truce, which the Spaniards fired upon, and his lordship therefore landed some troops and his marines, and the town was almost instantly taken, together with the schooner Sacramento, three brass eighteen pound guns, two field pieces, a quantity of ammunition, sugar, cotton, cocoa, pitch, &c. Some of the marines having stolen some of the church ornaments, the Admiral caused them to be restored, and punished the offenders, besides sending to the chief priest a thousand dollars to repair the mischief done to the sacred edifices.* About the same time a rich prize, the fleet of Guayaquil, escaped owing to the caution given to it by an American vessel.

* See Gazette extraordinary of August 9, 1819.

While Lord Cochrane was engaged in this expedition to the northward, Admiral Blanco was maintaining the blockade of Callao with the San Martin, Lautaro, Chacabuco, and Pueyrredon, which was continued till the beginning of May, when the squadron returned to Chile amidst the congratulations of all ranks of people.* There was indeed cause for exultation. During the first month the Chilian squadron consisted only of the

O’Higgins,	48 guns
Lautaro,	38
49 San Martin,	60
Chacabuco,	24

This little force had completely blockaded the port of Callao, whose batteries are tremendous, and where there were lying the

‖		Venganza,	42 guns
‖		Esmeralda,	44
‖		Sebastiana,	28
‖	§	Resolution,	36
‖	§	Cleopatra	28
	§	La Focha,	20
‖		Brig Maypu,	18
‖		Pezuela,	22
‖		Potrillo,	18
‖		Name unknown,	18
‖		Schooner, 1 long 24 pounder, 20 culverins
	§	Ship Guarmey,	18
	§	San Fernando	26
	§	San Antonio,	18†

besides 28 gun vessels. Two hundred thousand dollars belonging to the Philippine company had been taken, besides smaller prizes, and many towns on the coast freed from the Spanish yoke.

Thus the viceroy found himself in the most humiliating situation, deprived of the provisions which were absolutely necessary to the country, and shut up in his capital by a force of not one quarter the strength of his own, but which, with an activity unexampled in these seas, went from port to port, put down all opposition, arrested his convoys both by sea and land, and attacked his forts and vessels even in their strongest hold.

On the return of the squadron to Chile, among other compliments paid to Lord Cochrane, a public panegyric on His Lordship was pronounced at the national institute of Santiago, of which I have only 50 been able to procure the following extract:—“He arrives at Callao: that port is defended by the strongest forts of the Pacific, and crowned with batteries. Ten ships of war, and a number of gunboats present a formidable barrier. The gallant admiral seizes on the isle of San Lorenzo, anchors his squadron there, undertakes to force an entrance into the port, and goes forward with the O’Higgins and Lautaro: 300 pieces of artillery vomit death all around him. From three sides the shots come to destroy his ships: but he advances, unalterable, at a steady pace through these torrents of fire: he strikes terror into the enemy, he spreads around horror and death, he fires into their ships, and their fear arises to such a height, that they make use of forbidden means, firing red-hot shot from all the castles. After having harassed them severely, he returns, serenely victorious, to the rest of his squadron,” &c.

Meantime, one of the frigates bespoken in New York, had arrived in Chile.* Both had reached Buenos Ayres. It appears that by the terms of a treaty with Spain, America was bound not to furnish the patriots of South America with armed vessels; therefore, on the application of the Buenos Ayrian government for two frigates for Chile, two vessels, the Horatii and the Curiatii, were fitted out completely in every thing but arms and ammunition; which, however, followed the frigates in the ship Sachem, and arrived a few days after them at Buenos Ayres. The scarcity of specie at that city prevented the full purchase money from being paid; on which the Curiatii alone hoisted the Chilian flag, after receiving her guns and her complement of marines; and the Horatii sailed for Rio Janeiro, where she was bought by the government†, the part of the purchase money already advanced being thus forfeited.

On the return of Blanco’s division of the squadron, the supreme director came to Valparaiso to receive them, and also to inspect the 51 new ship which had been partly promised to Captain Guise. On the arrival of the O’Higgins, however, on the 16th of June, Captain Forster, the senior officer, was appointed to her, and she was named Independencia or Nuestra Señora del Carmen. Some other slight changes took place in the squadron, and every exertion was made to refit and victual it, in order to resume the blockade of Callao.

While the navy was thus harassing the enemy’s coast, the army of the south, under General Belcarse, was gradually gaining ground. The war there was, however, carried on in a more desperate manner. The royalist Benevedeis, in particular, had rendered his name odious by many atrocities, and particularly by the murder, in cold blood, of an officer sent by Freire to him with a flag of truce, and of the whole party that was with him, as well as other prisoners; they were cut down with sabres to save the waste of powder. General Sanchez was little behind him in cruelty. The latter had evacuated Talcahuana. Freire had taken Chillan, and success every where attended the patriots. (See Gazette, March 13th, 1819.) The most conciliatory proclamations were addressed to the Indians, who were invited as brothers to join the cause of independence, and hopes were entertained of their uniting with the patriots against the Spaniards. The domestic government seemed also to be settling into tranquillity. The adherents of the Carreras were, for the time at least, silenced. No foreign nation interfered between the mother country and the colonies, but all seemed to look with complacency on a change which promised a free commerce to the Pacific.

It is singular, that the experience of centuries has not been able to teach any nation that it is impossible to confine gold and silver, beyond a certain portion, within any particular state; or that so confined, they do not render the country any richer; because the moment there is more than sufficient for the purchase of other articles, the gold and silver becomes totally valueless. This applies particularly, where the precious metals are the chief products of the country. Yet even the reformed governments of South America, lay so heavy a duty on the exportation of gold and silver, that it would amount 52 to a prohibition, did not all nations combine to smuggle it away. In countries like these, where there are no manufactures, and little raw produce of any kind but the precious metals, the advantage of exchanging these for goods of every kind is most apparent. But the Spanish habits of thinking still prevail, hence the smuggling which elsewhere would be accounted scandalous, is openly practised even by British ships of war here, because in no other way, can the merchant obtain a return for his goods. Might not this be an article to be considered in any treaty entered into for acknowledging the independence of South America?

The British merchants had been of material use to the independent cause, by the large importations of arms and stores, both naval and military, which, in spite of every prohibition, they continued to furnish. It is true, that sometimes they also supplied the royalists; but in general their cargoes of this nature were for the patriots, between whom and themselves, there was a much more cordial intercourse than they had ever maintained with the Spaniards. In Chile the Protestant worship in private houses was connived at, and the Protestants had been permitted to purchase ground for a burial place, both in the city and at the port; and something had been attempted as to facilitating marriages between Protestants and Roman Catholics, but it was too early as yet to hope for perfect and public toleration: yet the officers entering into the service, naval or military, were never incommoded on account of their form of worship, or even requested to change it.

The rainy season, with strong gales from the northward, was now set in, but the equipment of the ships went on with zeal, so that by the 11th of September, the squadron was ready to put to sea: a loan of 2000 dollars had been requested from the merchants of Valparaiso; they refused, however, any thing like a forced contribution, but instantly subscribed 4393 dollars, a fourth of which was from the English merchants, as a free gift to forward the expedition, which was now to adopt more active measures than on the former occasion. Lord 53 Cochrane offered as a loan for an unlimited time, the prize money he had made during the expedition.*

* See Gazette, July 3. 1819.

The squadron, consisting of the O’Higgins, Lord Cochrane; the San Martin, Captain Wilkinson; the Lautaro, Captain Guise; the Independencia, Captain Forster; the Galvarino, Captain Spry; the Araucano, Captain Crosbie; and the Pueyrredon, Captain Prunier, met at Coquimbo, to complete their water and other stores. They had with them two transports, chiefly employed in conveying mortars and rockets, with which it was intended to annoy the enemy. On the 28th of September, the squadron arrived off Callao, and began immediately to construct their rocket and mortar rafts, and to prepare the ships for action. The admiral began by several false attacks, in order to weary out the enemy; but on the night of the 1st of October, the Galvarino, Araucano, and Pueyrredon, entered the bay of Callao, each towing a raft, two for the rockets, and one for the mortars: the Independencia was ordered, also, to go in to protect the brigs, but by some mischance anchored eight miles off. Unfortunately one of the rocket rafts blew up, and severely wounded Captain Hind who commanded, and the men employed. The rockets themselves, either from bad materials or unskilful composition, did not answer their purpose; but the shells produced some effect and a constant discharge of them was kept up. Meanwhile the forts and shipping were firing incessantly on the brigs and rafts, and red-hot shot was used; but the damage done by it was trifling considering the circumstances, amounting to little more than the wounding the Araucano’s foremast, and breaking one of her anchors*; the Galvarino lost Lieutenant Bealy and some men. On the three following nights feint attacks were made which annoyed the enemy as appeared particularly from an attempt made by their ships to escape from the bay on the night of the third: by the fifth every thing was ready for another serious attack. The brigs, as before, towed the rafts into their 54 places. Mr. Morgell had the command of the fire-ship Victoria; and the squadron was so placed, as to prevent the escape of the vessels from the roads: the moment the brigs were within gun-shot, the ships and batteries opened upon them. As soon as the fire-ship was within grape-shot, and close to the chain which defended the ships, Mr. Morgell set fire to her, and in ten minutes she exploded: had there been a breath of wind, the greater number, if not the whole of the enemy’s ships, must have been destroyed. But, unfortunately it was calm, and it produced little effect; the rockets too, again failed although managed with still greater care than before, and Lord Cochrane determined to adopt some other mode of proceeding.†

The Spanish frigate, Prueba, having been reported off the bay, the squadron immediately chased her, but she escaped, and most of the ships sailed towards Pisco, in order to obtain stores, particularly spirits for the ship’s companies, leaving the Araucano to look out at Callao. At Pisco, the troops from the squadron were landed and placed under Colonel Charles, of the marines, a brave and excellent officer, who deserved a better fate than to be killed at the taking of so paltry a fortress.* Major Miller was also severely wounded, and the patriots lost 10 men. The end, however, was answered, and the stores procured.

* He was buried at Valparaiso with military honours, on the return of the squadron.

On returning to Callao, Lord Cochrane was informed that the Prueba had proceeded to Guayaquil, where, with other Spanish ships, she had taken refuge. He immediately went in pursuit of her, with the Lautaro, Galvarino, and Pueyrredon; and, arriving on the 25th of November, off the island of Puna, at the entrance to the river of Guayaquil, undertook, notwithstanding the prejudices to the contrary ingeniously kept up by the Spanish charts, to pilot his squadron up the rapid and dangerous stream. The night was the only 55 time for this bold undertaking; accordingly on that of the 26th he entered the river, but want of wind obliged him to stand out again, and it was not till the evening of the 27th that he was able to proceed. Meantime he had learned that the Prueba had run up, even without discharging her guns, at Puna, a usual precaution on account of the shallows in the river, and was now under the batteries, which he was induced to believe very strong; but that the Aquila, of 30, and Vigonia, of 20 guns, the best of the hired armed ships, were lying where he had expected to have found the Prueba. He immediately made sail for them, and at daybreak they saw with dismay the O’Higgins at their very anchoring ground, 40 miles up the river. The ships had each about 100 men on board, and they kept up a brisk fire for 20 minutes, but the broadsides of the O’Higgins were too much for them, and the crews took to the boats leaving the ships to the admiral. During this action the Lautaro and brigs which had remained outside of the Puna, were alarmed at the firing, concluding it was from the Prueba, and had prepared to sail in case the action had been unfavourable to the admiral; but they were relieved by the appearance of the prizes.* Lord Cochrane remained three weeks off the island of Puna, having occupied the village of that name, for the purpose of watering and procuring provisions for the ships, as well as cutting timber to load the prizes.†

Having received intelligence, that one of the Spanish frigates had taken refuge in Valdivia, the admiral resolved to proceed thither immediately on leaving Guayaquil, and accordingly sailed for that port on the 17th of December. On his way he fell in with and 56 captured the Potrillo, a small Spanish vessel with provisions, stores, and 20,000 dollars in money, which she was conveying to the garrison of Valdivia, and having sent her to Valparaiso, he proceeded to Talcahuano bay, where he arrived on the 22d of January, 1820. There he found the Chilian States’ schooner, Montezuma, and the brig of war, Intrepid, belonging to Buenos Ayres; and, desiring to reconnoitre the port of Valdivia, he left the O’Higgins at Talcahuano, and proceeded in the schooner, under Spanish colours, to make his observations on the harbour.

Valdivia had always been considered as impregnable. The harbour is formed by the river of Callacallas, which, widening opposite the town to an æstuary of four leagues broad, narrows again at its mouth to half a league. Four considerable forts defend the narrow entrance, besides a battery at the Morro Gonzales, or the Englishman’s watering place, in which there are altogether upwards of 100 guns, the fires of which cross each other from every point. Under the Spanish flag, however, Lord Cochrane ran in so close to the place that the health boat boarded him, and from the officer he learned the state of the ports and of the garrison, and immediately returned to Talcahuana to take measures for the attack he meditated.

On being made acquainted with His Lordship’s plans, General Freire frankly lent him 250 men, under Major Beauchef; and, superior to the petty jealousy and bargaining which too often disgrace the operations of war, where the navy and army have to act together, he placed them absolutely at the admiral’s disposal, and on the 29th, they were embarked in the O’Higgins, Intrepid, and Montezuma, and sailed on the 30th. Unfortunately the frigate struck on the rocks off the island of Quiriquina in getting out, but as it did not appear that she was much damaged at the time, the little fleet proceeded, and on the 2d of February, 1820, arrived off Valdivia, 10 leagues to the southward, when the whole of the troops were put on board of the small vessels, and the O’Higgins was ordered to keep out of sight till the next day. At sunset, the troops were landed at the Englishman’s bay, Lord Cochrane accompanying them, and, as they 57 marched, rowing along the beach with four boys in his gig, exposed to the enemy’s fire, to direct the march. The first fort to be attacked was that of the Englishman, situated on a promontory and defended by a strong palisade, headed by six guns which swept the beach. The soldiers, two abreast, continued to march along close to the palisade, which appeared impracticable, when a Chileno midshipman perceived one of the pales to be rotten at the bottom; he seized it; it gave way, but finding it still impossible to enter, on account of his large hat, he took it off, threw it over the palisade, got through himself, and quickly enlarging the opening, the rest followed him and attacked the fort so vigorously that it was carried in a few minutes. The moment this position was secured, the troops proceeded to the fort of the Corral, the strongest and most important of all, without paying attention to some smaller batteries behind. It was also speedily reduced, and of course all the southern batteries, Avanzada, Barros, Amargos, and Chorocomayo followed. The Colonel, Don Fausto del Hoyo, with what remained of his regiment (the Cantabrian), was taken. The enemy’s loss in killed and wounded was great, that of the patriots was only 6 killed and 18 wounded.

Next morning the O’Higgins arrived, and those on board suffered the most lively alarm from a trifling circumstance. Knowing the extreme danger of the meditated attack, they had obtained a promise from the admiral, that if all was well, he would hoist two flags of any kind on the outer flag-staff. As they approached they saw but one, and that one Lord Cochrane’s boat’s ensign, the Chile colours. His Lordship had but that one with him and could get no other. They began to fear he had been taken, and that the flag was hoisted as a decoy. Meantime, the troops in the northern forts, perceiving the frigate, hoped she was a Spaniard and made their private signal, which she answered and continued advancing, when a boat boarded her. All was safe, the admiral well. The Spanish flag was instantly hauled down, the patriot ensign hoisted in its place, and the troops no longer hoping for assistance, precipitately abandoned the town and 58 remaining forts, and fled in every direction; and the standards, barrack stores, military chest, &c., fell into the admiral’s hands.*

This action is perhaps one of the most daring and successful on record, and done, like every thing Lord Cochrane has performed, for the use of the thing, and not for the display of his own courage or 59 talent*; by it, the enemy was deprived of his last hold of Chile, and what is of still greater consequence, the Chilenos learned to place confidence in themselves and their officers, and to have the moral as well as the physical courage necessary for all great achievements.

* A force of 2000 men, with 100 guns, had been overcome by 350, aided by the presence and name of their great chief.

But there is no character so perfect, no action so heroic, as to be safe from envy. As the Spanish poet says—

On the arrival of the news of the taking of Valdivia at Valparaiso, all the mean and bad passions of little men were awakened. The people at large showed a joy that perhaps exasperated the envious; but it is certain that there were many persons in power, with Zenteno at their head, and some even of his own countrymen, who scrupled not to say, that Lord Cochrane deserved to lose his head for daring, unbidden, to attack such a place, and for endangering the patriot soldiers, by exposing them to such hazard.

But the time was not yet arrived for any effectual attack on Lord Cochrane. The government felt his value, or rather the absolute necessity of the state required his services, and the clamours of the envious and ungrateful were for once stifled.*

Unconscious of these cabals, and encouraged by his success at Valdivia, Lord Cochrane naturally turned his attention to Chiloe, where 60 the Spaniards had still a strong position, under an able and determined officer, Colonel Quintanilla. The account of that expedition is best given in His Lordship’s own letter addressed to the Minister of Marine:—

On Lord Cochrane’s return to Valdivia, he furnished what arms he could to the people of the neighbourhood, to assist in driving out the enemy, and despatched Beauchef to Osorio with 100 men to secure that town, which commands one source of the supplies of Chiloe. Beauchef and his little troop were received by all the Indians both in the country and at Osorio with the greatest joy. “I believe,” says that officer, in his official letter addressed to Lord Cochrane, “that I have embraced more than a thousand caciques and their followers. They have all offered their people to serve in the patriotic cause; but as circumstances do not require this, I have invited them to return to their own lands, and have received their promises to be ready if the country should call for their services. I have distributed to each on taking leave, a little indigo, tobacco, ribbon, and other trifles.” The flag of Chile was hoisted on the castle of Osorio on the 26th of February; some cannon, forty muskets, and ammunition were found there, but no resistance was made, the Spaniards having escaped to Chiloe.

Meantime, in consequence of the damage sustained by the O’Higgins when she struck at Quiriquina, she was disabled from going to sea, and was therefore hove down at Valdivia to be repaired, while the admiral returned to Valparaiso in the Montezuma. Upon his departure, some feeble efforts were made by the dispersed Spaniards to repossess themselves of Valdivia, and to induce the Indians to fall upon Beauchef: but that brave officer speedily put an end to the struggle, and placing sufficient guards in Osorio and other posts, fixed his own head-quarters at Valdivia.

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As soon as Lord Cochrane arrived in Valparaiso, he despatched the Independencia and Araucana with every thing necessary for repairing the O’Higgins, and with orders to return with her to that port as soon as possible. The great expedition, so long looked forward to, for the coast of Peru was now to be undertaken. The political temper of the Peruvians, and especially of the people of Lima, was ripe for it. A considerable body of troops had been assembled, and the taking of Valdivia having driven the enemy from his last strong hold in Chile, it only remained to prepare and victual the fleet in order to attack the provincial capital itself; and it was resolved that immediately after the next rainy season the expedition should sail.*

* The instructions of the Viceroy Pezuela to the governor of Valdivia, found in the public office of the place, urge him strongly to maintain himself there; not only as preserving a footing in Chile, but as preventing the government from making the threatened attack on Peru, by diverting a considerable part of the forces. (See Gazette of the 22d and 29th of April, 1820.)

Meanwhile the ships were employed under Lord Cochrane’s own eye, in surveying the coast in the neighbourhood of Valparaiso; particularly the bays Concon and Quintero, the former at the mouth of a very large river, and which might be important as a port for embarking produce brought down the river from the interior; the latter as being a fine harbour, better defended from the winds than that of Valparaiso, and better situated with regard to the facility of wood, water, and provisions, though more distant from the capital. Some of the ships’ crews were also employed in forming piers for the embarkation of the troops, in fitting transports and other preparations for the expedition.

But the short-sighted policy of the financiers of these new governments who will not see that it is more profitable to purchase goodwill and faithful service by punctual payment to the soldiers and sailors, than to retain the money in their hands, even if they trade with it, or lend it for usury, which is not uncommon, had nearly unmanned their squadron, and deprived them of half their officers.* 63 The discontent broke out in the San Martin and Araucana early in May; but it was not until the middle of July that the only proper and just remedy was applied, that of paying the people and officers, which immediately restored tranquillity, and nothing of any moment occurred before the sailing of the troops for Peru.

* On this occasion it was that Lord Cochrane offered the estate to be sold to pay the people.

While the arms of Chile were thus successful, the civil government was, at least, improving. Some sort of order had been introduced into the financial department; and, although the custom-house regulations were still, in great part, formed upon the ancient narrow Spanish system, there was a considerable improvement even in them. A college had been instituted in Santiago, and other works of utility had been carried into effect. A public library was founded, a theatre was built, and the director had even intended to have erected a telegraph; but the prejudices of the people, and especially the priests, against such a miraculous mode of communication, were too strong, and a telegraph must wait, at least, twenty years before it can be admitted in Chile.

But the army destined for Peru was now (August, 1820,) assembled at Valparaiso, and the name of Exercito Libertadore (liberating army) was resounded in all parts. The director had come to Valparaiso to be present at the sailing of the squadron; and he and General San Martin, who was appointed captain-general of the liberating forces, renewed solemnly those protestations in favour of Peruvian liberty which they had formerly made in the proclamations issued by them, and distributed among the people of Peru, during the preceding 18 months. In one of those of O’Higgins, dated Feb. 1819*, he says, after telling them the expedition is almost ready—“Do not think that we pretend to treat you as a conquered people; such a desire could have entered into the heads of none but those who are inimical to our common happiness. We only aspire to see you free and happy: yourselves will frame your government, choosing that form which is most consistent with your customs, 64 your situation, and your wishes. You will be your own legislators, and, consequently, you will constitute a nation as free and as independent as ourselves.”

* See Appendix.

In another of a later date, he says—

“Peruvians,—These are the compacts and conditions on which Chile will affront death and toil to save you, contracted in the presence of the Supreme Being, and calling on all nations to bear witness, and to avenge their violation. You shall be free and independent; your laws and your government shall be constituted by the sole spontaneous will of your representatives. No influence, civil or military, direct or indirect, shall be exercised by these your brothers, over your social institutions. You shall send away the armed force that is now going to protect you the moment you will; and no pretext of your danger or your security shall serve to keep it with you, against your consent. No military division shall ever occupy a free town, unless invited by the lawful magistrates; and the peninsular parties and opinions that preceded the times of your independence shall not be punished by us, or by our help.”

A long proclamation* of San Martin, dated March, 1819, speaks the same language. After declaring that he is justly empowered by the Independent States of the United Provinces of South America and of Chile, to enter Peru, in order to defend the cause of freedom; he laments, at large, over the slavery of that kingdom, and rejoices that deliverance is at hand. “My address,” he says, “is not that of a conqueror, who treats of systematizing a new slavery. The force of things has prepared this great day of your political emancipation, and I can be only the accidental instrument of justice, and the agent of destiny.” He then goes on exulting in the certainty of victory over the oppressors, saying, “The result of the victory must be, that the capital of Peru will see, for the first time, its sons united, and freely electing a government, and appearing in the face of the world in the rank of nations.” Such were the views held 65 out by the chiefs of the expedition. Views in which Lord Cochrane sincerely participated; and his sentiments in favour of leaving the Peruvians to govern themselves were so well understood, that San Martin, fearing lest they should thwart some private projects of his own, actually obtained from the Chileno government secret instructions, empowering him to act as a check on the admiral’s conduct; but it was long ere he found it convenient to make known that he possessed such instructions.

* See Appendix.

The Chileno officers, both native and foreign, of the army and navy, certainly believed in the sincerity of their leaders; and they imagined that, prepared as Peru was to receive them, they would have been led immediately to attack the capital, in order to put an end to the war at once. All were in the highest spirits, and on the 21st of August, 1820, San Martin hoisted the captain-general’s flag on board the ship named after himself, and sailed with the squadron and transports, amidst the congratulations of all ranks of people. San Martin had with him the soldiers of Chacabuco and Maypu; and Lord Cochrane himself commanded the squadron. Victory was considered as certain; and the departure of the army was like a triumph.*

* Among the poems that appeared on the occasion, the farewell of the ladies of Chile to the liberating army, and the answer, are the most considerable.

The soldiers and sailors were animated by the hopes of extraordinary rewards: San Martin having promised them a bounty of a year’s pay, in addition to their wages, on the taking of Lima.

At Coquimbo, the squadron stopped to take in more provisions, and to embark the troops assembled in that town, and then proceeded towards Peru. Meantime, the director declared all the ports between lat. 2° 12’ and 21° 48’ south, or from Iquique to Guayaquil in a state of blockade, unless they should fall into the hands of the Chileno leaders: but in order not to oppress neutrals more than was necessary, the admiral had full powers to grant licenses upon certain conditions, for landing or trans-shipping their cargoes.*

* Against this blockade the British commander-in-chief remonstrated, somewhat intemperately, telling Chile in so many words, that a little nation had no business to attempt a great operation; and saying something about the law of nations, as if that law was not the same for little as well as great nations. The answer written by Zenteno, told him, that the Esmeralda had been taken, and that the addition of force gained by it gave Chile quite enough ships to maintain the blockade. Gazette, Feb. 24. 1821. See Appendix.

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This necessary document being published, the director next caused a manifesto to be circulated, dated 31st of August, 1820. It is entitled “Manifesto from the Captain-General of the Army, Don Bernardo O’Higgins, to the People whom he governs.” It begins by congratulating them on the sailing of the Liberating Expedition, and then proceeds to give a short but clear statement of his political life, and the events, civil and military, in which he had been engaged. He says; “Educated in the free country of England, that desire for independence which is born with every man in the climate of Arauca was strengthened. Loving liberty, both from sentiment and principle, I swore to assist in procuring that of my country, or to bury myself under its ruins.” The paper is well written, and the sentiments expressed do honour both to the head and heart of the supreme director, whose personal character has always been esteemed, while such of his actions as have dissatisfied the people have uniformly been ascribed to the influence of his ministers.

Meanwhile, the expedition had arrived at Pisco. On the 7th of September, the squadron passed San Gallan, and anchored off that place at six o’clock in the evening. Lord Cochrane immediately proposed to land a small detachment, and surprise the town before the enemy should have time to convey away the slaves, cattle, and provisions. The army was in want of recruits and horses, and as the ships were scantily victualled, it was of importance to secure the spirits and other stores known to be at Pisco: but this proposal of his lordship’s appeared too hazardous to the captain-general, and the attack on the place was postponed till next morning. On the 8th, therefore, the first division of the troops was landed under General Las Heras, with two pieces of artillery, and formed into two squares, each of 1000 men, on the burning beach of Paraca, where they continued 67 until sunset. Meantime, about sixty of the enemy’s horse were seen on a hill above, having come apparently to reconnoitre, but they were dispersed by a few shots from the Montezuma; and when the troops at length arrived in Pisco, after a march of six hours, they found that the Spaniards had conveyed away all the stores, and had sent the slaves and cattle into the interior, they themselves had retired to Ica, leaving nothing behind but jars of the brandy of the country, generally called Pisco: this was divided between the fleet and the army, and was most acceptable to the sailors, as they were in great want of spirits or wine. The next day the rest of the troops landed, and head-quarters were fixed at Pisco, whence regular bulletins were issued, containing rather pompous details of the feats of the great expedition; and several proclamations relative to the good order and discipline of the troops. In these bulletins, the real failures or oversights in the marching, ordering, or commanding the troops were corrected for the public eye. The foraging parties brought in horses and cattle sufficient for the army, but the fleet continued without adequate supplies.

During the fifty days that the head-quarters of the army were at Pisco, Colonel Arenales occupied Ica, Palque, Nazca, and Acari, taking a quantity of military stores, and revolutionising the country as he marched: but the captain-general remained completely inactive. Indeed, from the 26th of September to the 4th of October, he was carrying on a negotiation with the viceroy, an armistice having been concluded at Miraflores for that purpose. What the hopes of either party could have been, from the negotiation seem unintelligible. The grounds, however, on which the viceroy treated, were, that the king of Spain had sworn to adhere to the constitution in the month of March preceding. The same constitution had been published in Lima on the 9th, and sworn to on the 15th of this very month. Was it by Pezuela’s authority, and on account of the arrival of the liberating force, that he had given directions, in consequence, that all the states, which had in fact separated themselves from the mother-country, should be invited to rejoin her, under the protection 68 of the constitution, their first magistrates receiving all the honours, and all the consideration consistent with the dignity of the Spanish crown?

But Pezuela must have been strangely deceived as to the temper of the South Americans, if he could have imagined that on such vague invitations, they would give up that independence that had already cost them so much: or, that an army, like that now at Pisco, would quietly withdraw from an enemy’s country, on the mere requisition of its government. However, that no opportunity might be neglected of attaining that freedom peaceably, which, if not conceded by Spain, every man had sworn to die for, the proposals of the viceroy were listened to, and Colonel Don Tomas Guido and the secretary, Garcia del Rio*, were appointed plenipotentiaries on the occasion. But, as the viceroy insisted on the submission of all the South American provinces to the crown and cortes of Spain, the negotiation fell to the ground. The most conciliatory paragraph to be found in the viceroy’s letters, after telling San Martin that his best way would be to submit to the king, and swear to the constitution, is the following:—“Although the Americans may have made some objections, and some complaints concerning points in which they feel themselves aggrieved, this appears to be of little moment; for I assure your excellency, that wherever their complaints are reasonable, they will be done justice to by the cortes and the king.”† And on other grounds than that of first taking the oaths to the constitution of the cortes, the viceroy refused to treat, while the deputies of San Martin insisted on his recognizing the full authority of Chile as an independent representative government. The truce of Milaflores was, therefore, speedily ended, and hostilities were declared to have recommenced on the 4th of October, on which day the news of the revolution of Guayaquil arrived.

The commander-in-chief having sufficiently recruited his army, 69 during fifty days at Pisco, re-embarked on the 28th of October*, and directed his course to the northward, but not, as every officer and man in the army hoped, to Lima itself. His first intention was to go to Truxillo, a town not less than four degrees to leeward of Callao, and where the army could have had no advantage, but that of being safe from an attack from Lima, as it was not approachable by land, and the squadron would have protected it by sea: with some difficulty General San Martin was prevailed on to abandon this plan, and to approach a little nearer the principal point of attack. Had he done so at once, the people were all so prepared throughout the country for receiving the liberating forces with open arms, that his success was certain: but he lingered. Some declared too soon for him; and they were fined or imprisoned, or corporally punished by the viceroy; others rendered cautious, demurred on the approach of San Martin’s people about supplying them, and they were treated by him with military rigour; thus the people were worn out, and harassed till they looked upon both parties alike as oppressors, and lost the taste for national independence introduced by the violation of civil liberty. The General’s conduct appears to have been guided by an idea, that 70 by simply appearing on the coast he could frighten the viceroy into submission, and that by harassing the petty villages along the shore, he could possess himself of the castles of Callao. However, on the 28th, as we have seen, he embarked; on the 29th, the fleet anchored in the bay of Callao, and having gratified his curiosity by a sight of the castles, and the naval forces, the captain-general proceeded on the 30th to Ancon, where he remained with the troops on board the transports for ten days. Meantime, on the 2d of November, the regiment of Numancia deserted the Spaniards and joined the patriots.

* The only event that marked the interval was the death of the auditor, General Jonte, on the 22d: the whole army mourned three days for him: this man had been one of the agents for Chile in England. He was one of those who mistake cunning for wisdom, and scrupled not to employ any petty means of obtaining the information he wanted, and of which he made use either for himself or his employers, well knowing how to dole it out. Such men, as they begin by the petty tricks of espionage, are apt to contract a love for the thing itself. Hence, not only public papers, but private letters, are violated; and I have seen an account of cattle opened, examined, and sealed up again, with wily cautiousness, in order to see if the very cow-keepers wrote politics. As for Jonte, his curiosity had become a passion almost insatiable, and the meannesses which he would have started from on other accounts, were practised daily by him for its gratification. It was believed, that he had been commissioned to offer Peru, Chile, and, I think, the Buenos Ayrian provinces as a sovereignty, first to a prince of the blood-royal of England, and next to a Bourbon prince. If so, it could have been only with a view of inducing those powers to stand by in neutrality, in hopes of a rich possession, while the Spanish American colonies were struggling for their freedom. The petty scheme was worthy of its authors, who certainly never meant to realise such plans, but merely to bribe England and France to abstain from assisting Old Spain: the cunning was childish and useless, and it marks the weakness of the employers of Jonte.

While the army was thus inactive, Lord Cochrane had been diligently employed in reconnoitring Callao, having formed the design of seizing the frigate Esmeralda, of 40 guns, which then lay in the bay under protection of the castles. Besides 300 pieces of artillery on shore, she was defended by a strong boom and chain-moorings; several tiers of old ships, armed as block-ships, guarded her; she was surrounded by 27 gun-boats of different sizes; and the enemy, dreading, lest she should be attacked, had supplied her and the block-ships with additional men, so that she had about 370 on board of the best sailors and marines that could be procured, and they had slept at quarters for six weeks. On the fifth of November, the purpose for which the necessary preparations for the enterprise had been made was first communicated to the officers and ships’ companies; when the following address was read to them:—

* The sum of 50,000 dollars having been offered by the Spaniards for a Chileno frigate, the same sum was levied on them on the fall of Lima, as if for the captors of the Esmeralda; but the money was appropriated by San Martin, and neither that nor the value of the vessel ever paid.

The whole of the marines and seamen of the O’Higgins, Lautaro, and Independencia, volunteered for the service, but 240 only were accepted; and at eight o’clock in the evening all the boats, fourteen in number, assembled alongside of the O’Higgins, with their crews dressed in white, and each armed with a cutlass and pistol. The first division of boats was intrusted to Captain Crosbie, the second to Captain Guise; and, at 10 o’clock, Lord Cochrane, having given a few orders enjoining strict silence and the exclusive use of swords, got into his boat and pulled directly for Callao. They were first challenged by one of the gun-boats astern of the Esmeralda, when Lord Cochrane, rising in the boat and drawing his sword, said in an under tone, “Silencio o Muerte!” and was obeyed. He demanded the sign and countersign of the night. Victoria—Gloria; a good omen, and they passed on unmolested. In a few minutes the boats were alongside of the frigate, the starboard and larboard side being boarded at once. Lord Cochrane was the first man on board, and was shot immediately, through the flesh of the right-thigh just above the knee; but, having first seized the sentinel who fired at him by the heel and thrown him overboard, he seated himself on the hammock-netting and continued to give his orders. Meantime the Spaniards had retreated to the forecastle, and seemed resolved to defend their post. Twice did Captains Guise and Crosbie charge along the gangways 72 at the head of their divisions and were repulsed; and it was not until the third attack that they carried it. The marines, to a man, had fallen in their place on the quarter-deck.

The fight was renewed on the main deck, but it was, in comparison, feebly sustained, most of the people having now taken refuge in the hold, and the ship at length surrendered.

Lord Cochrane now ordered the boats to be manned, that he might pursue his plan of taking out the Maypu and some other vessels; but the men were busy plundering, and the darkness and confusion rendered it impossible to enforce the order. Besides, the castles had begun a heavy fire upon the frigate; and, although she had hoisted the same lights with the neutral ships, the Hyperion, English frigate*, and the Macedonia, United States’ ship of war, the firing continued; so that to prevent her being damaged, her sails were set and her chain cables cut, and she was anchored out of gun-shot, with two of the largest gun-boats which Lord Cochrane had also taken.

* The Hyperion and Macedonia had hoisted lights to distinguish them as neutrals. A midshipman of the Hyperion was standing on the gangway looking on, and seeing Lord Cochrane’s noble bearing, clapped his hands in congratulation, and exclaimed, “Well and Englishly done!” Captain S. reprimanded him, ordered him below, and threatened to put him under arrest! Had Lord Cochrane been an enemy, a generous man would have felt with the midshipman;—but a neutral and a countryman!—The Macedonia behaved very differently.

The enemy’s loss in killed, wounded, and drowned, was very great. All the officers, three of whom were wounded, were taken prisoners, and Captain Coig, the commander, received a severe contusion from a ball from the batteries; 150 of the crew were also taken, with the standard of the commander-in-chief; a considerable quantity of naval stores, and some treasure. The loss on the Chileno side was 15 killed and fifty wounded.

Although Lord Cochrane was not able to complete the whole of his plan, the success he had gained surpassed all that had ever been done or imagined in those seas; and, indeed, if we except his own actions in the service of his own country*, no age or nation has 73 witnessed so bold a design so ably executed. But who ever possessed, like him, the quick eye to perceive every advantage; the resolute spirit to undertake; and, above all, the perfect self-possession, in every situation, that is necessary to accomplish great actions! The secrecy with which this blow was planned, and the suddenness of the execution, secure to Lord Cochrane the double praise of the politician and the warrior. “For the helmet of Pluto,” says Lord Bacon, “which maketh the politic man to go invisible, is secrecy in the council and celerity in the execution; there is no secrecy comparable to celerity; like the motion of a bullet in the air, which flyeth so swift as it outruns the eye.”

* See the English Gazettes, of Aug. 1801, for the taking of the Spanish zebeck by the Speedy, in 1801; and from that time to Basque Roads, a series of exploits, of which every Englishman is proud.

Coriolanus, when his country was ungrateful, went and commanded the armies of her enemies and revenged himself. Alcibiades fled to a tyrant’s court, and disgraced the land he had left by his excesses; and most of those who have been obliged to “teach them other tongues, and to become no strangers to strange eyes,” have followed either the one example or the other. But Lord Cochrane, when he left his beloved home, refused the splendid offers of a court, because he could not fight against the principles of his country, but went to a remote and feeble nation and employed his talents in assisting the sacred cause of national independence. And though, as all things sublunary are imperfect, Chile is still far from enjoying all the advantages that she should derive from that blessing for which he fought,—his part was done: the fleets of the oppressors were driven from the shores of the Pacific; and some principles established, and some seeds of future good were sown, that will immortalise him as a benefactor to mankind as well as a hero—things too often, alas! so widely different. But to return to our narrative.

On the morning of the 6th, a horrible massacre was committed chiefly by the women of Callao on the boats’ crews of the Macedonia. It was not believed that Lord Cochrane with boats alone could have cut out the Esmeralda without the assistance of the English ships; and, as the people could not distinguish between the English and North Americans, they fell on the boats’ crews that had 74 gone as usual to the market-place for fresh beef and vegetables, and butchered the greater part of them. As soon as this was reported at the castle, the governor sent out troops to protect the strangers, and the few that escaped owed their lives to this precaution. The admiral procured an exchange of prisoners on this occasion.

The same evening the Araucano carried the news to Ancon, where it was received in the most enthusiastic manner by the army. On the 8th the O’Higgins and Esmeralda also arrived at Ancon, where again the army cheered the admiral, and were full of hopes that they should now attack the town. Guayaquil had declared itself independent; the Numantian regiment had joined the liberating force. The enemy’s best ship was taken, and the moral effect of these events, not to speak of the daily, though slight advantages gained by several officers, were calculated not only to elevate the patriots and to encourage their secret friends to declare themselves, but to dispirit the enemy. But though every thing seemed to court him to action, San Martin could by no means be induced to change his cautious plans, and therefore on the 9th he proceeded to Huacho, still farther from Lima, and, with the whole army, disembarked and fixed his head-quarters at Supe, whence he proposed to detach one-half of his army to Guayaquil, probably with a view to secure that province as part of his future empire. This most imprudent scheme was however abandoned, and the general contented himself with causing the troops to fall back from Chancay to Huaura, at the very time when, in addition to the happy circumstances already mentioned, Truxillo* had emancipated itself, and General Arenales had obtained a decided victory over the royalists under General O’Reilly at Pasco, on the 6th of December,† The troops soon began to feel the bad effects of the unhealthy situation of Huaura, and nearly one-third 75 of them died of fever during the many months they continued there.

Meantime Don Tomás Guido and Colonel Luzuriago were deputed to Guayaquil to return the compliments paid to the liberating chiefs by Escobedo, the chief of that city, who had offered all the assistance of the rich province of which it is the capital, towards the accomplishment of their designs. Other views were also in San Martin’s contemplation: the extraordinary successes of Bolivar in the north had given rise to the idea that his indefatigable zeal might lead him to the provinces of Peru. But it was by no means the wish of San Martin that such an expedition should be so far successful as to deprive him of any part of the empire he had now begun to contemplate for himself. His deputies, therefore, represented that on the fall of Lima, Guayaquil would become the principal port of a great empire, that the establishment of the docks and arsenals which San Martin’s navy would require, must enrich not only the individuals actually concerned in them, but the whole city; whereas, if Guayaquil were subdued by Bolivar, it would be considered only as a conquered province, and of scarcely any importance to the immense state of Columbia. The existing government was therefore persuaded to form a militia, and to take every measure for keeping out any Columbian invader.

This was not the only negotiation carried on from head-quarters at Supe: a correspondence, voluminous enough for the whole states of South America, took place between San Martin and the viceroy, sometimes concerning the exchange of prisoners, sometimes that of titles of honour, and now and then the liberator complains of the petty abuse of the Lima newspapers, which complaints are retorted by the viceroy.

Nor was the press of Supe idle; besides the bulletins of the liberating army, edicts were published calling upon slaves to join the army, and promising to pay their masters; and flattering proclamations addressed to the European Spaniards.

Since the departure of the expedition from Chile, the director and senate had been uniformly engaged in endeavours to increase the 76 revenue: but they wanted the principles of political economy, and were never able to effect more than temporary supplies. They were more successful in the other branches of government: the laws concerning marriage were revised and placed on a more liberal footing than before. The police of the capital was improved, and generally speaking, a stricter execution of the laws provided for. The southern provinces however had been disturbed by the activity of Benevidies, a man of a ferocious character, who rendered himself hateful, not only by his rigorous obedience of his orders from Spain not to give quarter to Europeans found in arms in favour of the patriots, but by extending the cruel practice to the natives themselves of all ranks. The atrocities on both sides were shocking to humanity, and the scandalous manner in which the priests prostituted Christianity to the purposes of policy and war is not among the least revolting circumstances of the time*; upon the whole, the end of the year 1820 was far from being favourable on the southern frontier.

* A figure of the Virgin was placed in a conspicuous situation; the patriot flag was presented to her, she shook her head;—a Spanish flag was brought, the arms of the figure instantly embraced it; and the omen was of course accepted by the multitude.

About this time, two circumstances occurred characteristic of the times, but otherwise of no importance. An English vessel put into San Carlos of Chiloe in distress, in order to refit and revictual; the governor seized the crew, alleging that Lord Cochrane and most of the crews of the Chile squadron were English, and that but for them the enemies of the king, his master, could never succeed. The other circumstance seems to give countenance to the idea that at some time and by some party, an imperial crown in South America had been offered to a Bourbon prince. Papers from Rio de Janeiro had stated that a number of French ships of war had arrived in the southern seas to convoy a great personage, whose views were however, for the present, frustrated by the actual state of Buenos Ayres. Shortly after the arrival of this report, several French ships of war did actually double Cape Horn, and enter different harbours in Chile, upon which the minister of marine applied by letter to the 77 French commodore, to know why they had come into the Pacific. The answer calmed all their fears. In a very polite letter, M. Jurien assured the government of Chile, that the only object of His Most Christian Majesty for sending ships thither, was to form his young naval officers, and survey those seas.

Meanwhile, the blockade of Callao was carried on vigorously by Lord Cochrane; on the 2d of December, 16 gun-boats came out of the bay to attack the O’Higgins and Esmeralda, but after an action of upwards of an hour they were obliged to retire, with loss. A similar attempt was made, with the like success on the 26th, but nothing farther occurred till the beginning of 1821, except the taking of several prizes, chiefly laden with provisions. The month of January was employed in a similar manner; the squadron keeping up a close blockade, and detachments of the army under Arenales, &c. gaining slight advantages in the neighbourhood, but the main body continuing totally inactive.

The month of February was every way more remarkable. In the first place, General Lacerna superseded Pezuela as viceroy of Peru, by the will of the soldiery; in the next, San Martin published, on the 12th, a “Provisional regulation to establish the bounds of the territory actually occupied by the liberating army, and the form of administration to be observed until a central authority may be constituted by the will of the free cities.” A few phrases of which are worth transcribing, to show the style and spirit of the captain-general’s publications. “Charged with restoring to this vast portion of the American continent, its existence and its rights, it is one of my duties to consult, without restriction, every means which may contribute to that great work. Although victory should make a strict alliance with my arms, there would remain a perilous void in the engagements I have contracted if I did not prepare in anticipation the elements of universal reform, which it is neither possible to perfect in one day, nor just to defer entirely under any pretext. The most brilliant successes in war, and the most glorious enterprises of the genius of man can only excite in the people a sentiment of admiration mingled with anxiety, if they do not 78 perceive, as their termination, the amelioration of their institutions, and an indemnification for their actual sacrifices. Between the shoal of premature reform, and the danger of leaving abuses untouched, there is a mean whose amplitude is pointed out by the circumstances of the moment and the great law of necessity.” After a good deal more of the same kind, there follow twenty regulations, in not one of which is a single evil removed; but they all relate to the appointment of new governors, and tax-gatherers, and to his own full powers to rule; and especially to punish those whose political proceedings shall be offensive to him, or contrary to his views.

But the jealousy which had begun to intrigue against Lord Cochrane, even before his arrival, was now about to break out in a manner highly disgraceful to many of the officers of the Chileno squadron, and extremely injurious to the cause they served. Each, having come out as an independent adventurer, conceived, notwithstanding, that Chile had formally adopted the rules and regulations of the British service, that the ship he was appointed to was his own; and that his obedience to the admiral was in a manner optional, particularly in matters concerning the officers of those ships. Such ideas necessarily disturbed the discipline and good order of the service; and, unfortunately, the supplies to the squadron were so scanty, both as to war and sea stores, and clothing, and even victuals for the crews, that there was always some ground for complaints, and always too good a reason for overlooking improprieties, that might otherwise, probably, have been checked and prevented from growing into serious evils.

On the 28th of January, the government, wishing to compliment Lord Cochrane, resolved to change the name of the frigate Esmeralda. They had already a Lautaro, an O’Higgins, and a San Martin, in the squadron, and intended to have the Cochrane, but His Lordship chose rather to call her the Valdivia, in commemoration of the taking of that place; on which the surgeon, purser, and two of the lieutenants, wrote a most insolent letter to Lord Cochrane, stating that they had no objection to the ship being called Cochrane, but they thought her new name ought to have some reference to her captors, and not to 79 be that of the man who had been the first tyrant in Chile. This was followed up by other letters equally improper; so that in order to dissipate what was in reality a petty conspiracy, the admiral appointed these gentlemen to other ships, and substituted other officers in the Valdivia.

Notwithstanding this unpleasant business, however, Lord Cochrane had formed a plan, which doubtless would have succeeded but for these cabals. Having carefully reconnoitred the bay of Callao himself, he intended to go in with the San Martin, and all the boats of the squadron, seize the ships and gun-boats, and turn all the enemy’s own guns upon the castles. The officers and crew of the San Martin volunteered with three cheers for the service, and everything was appointed for the execution of this spirited project, when, just as it was to be carried into effect, Captain Guise declared he could not serve unless he had his own officers back; Captain Spry declared he should stand by Captain Guise, and the whole squadron was in commotion. On the 23d, these two officers resigned their commissions in the navy of Chile; and on the 1st and 2d of March, a court-martial was held on the officers of the Valdivia, when, Michael, the surgeon, and Trew, the purser, were dismissed the service; the lieutenants, Bell and Freeman, with Kenyon, the assistant-surgeon, dismissed their ship; and Captain Spry was also dismissed his ship and placed at the bottom of the list, by sentence of a court-martial.*

* Captain Spry afterwards deserted.

These persons, together with Captain Guise, immediately proceeded to San Martin to induce him to cause them to be reinstated, and he accordingly sent them back to Lord Cochrane with a request to that effect. To Captain Guise His Lordship offered his ship, and to the lieutenants, commissions in other ships; but they refused to serve unless with their own captain, and by his order, and accordingly withdrew altogether from the service. The admiral was grieved not only at the occurrence which seemed to threaten the worst consequences to the squadron, but at the interference of the commander-in-chief in favour of these persons. Captain Guise’s conduct seems 80 to have been a renewal of that hostile spirit, which at Valparaiso had instigated the contemptuous and insolent behaviour towards the admiral, that disgraced him before the sailing of the expedition, but which subsequent events seemed to have obliterated from the minds of both. Captain Spry was a low-minded man, and, perhaps, even then had in contemplation that treachery for which he was not long afterwards so liberally rewarded. His cunning had obtained great influence over Captain Guise, and he is believed to have been his chief adviser.

The next occurrence worthy of notice is the second taking of Pisco. That wretched place, after having been forced to maintain the patriot army for fifty days, had again fallen into the hands of the Spaniards who had severely punished the defection of the inhabitants. It was retaken by 500 patriots, under Colonel Miller, on the 22d of March, who collected the first day 300 horses for the use of the army, and as many oxen, sheep, and mules. Lord Cochrane, who had accompanied this little expedition, hoisted his flag on the 18th on board the San Martin, leaving the O’Higgins and Valdivia to protect the troops at Pisco, and returned to Callao, where he again attacked the gun-boats with effect. Meanwhile General Arenales had obtained another decided advantage over General Ricaforte and 2000 men.

Early in May a vigorous attack was made on Arica*; but the landing-place being strongly fortified, the troops disembarked a little to the northward, and after the town had been bombarded for five days the Spaniards left it; and a considerable booty, besides 120,000 dollars in money was collected. These successes of the patriots induced the new viceroy to propose an armistice for three weeks to General San Martin, who gladly accepted it as the forerunner, it was hoped, of a pacific termination to a campaign wearisome to the 81 invaders, and cruelly oppressive to the inhabitants of the country. However, as General Lacerna was no more empowered than his predecessor to acknowledge the absolute independence of the South American colonists, the negotiation only served to gain a little breathing time to both parties.

* Arica, the capital of a province of the name, is the southernmost port of Peru. The mines of gold and of copper are extremely rich, but the want of water in their district, and indeed in the whole province, is an obstacle to working them properly. The valley behind the town is fertile, and produces an immense quantity of red pepper. The town has suffered severely from earthquakes, and in 1680, it was sacked by the notorious Captain Sharpe, from which misfortune it never entirely recovered. There is a great volcano in the eastern part of the province, from the side of which flows hot fetid water.

But the blockade had been maintained with such vigilance and spirit by the squadron, that the viceroy found the city was no longer tenable for want of provisions. The people had become clamorous, and all hope of assistance from Spain was abandoned; therefore, on the 6th of July, Lacerna evacuated Lima, and the liberating force was eagerly expected by the inhabitants to take immediate possession. Nevertheless, to the astonishment of both Peruvians and Chilenos as well as that of the neutrals in the harbour, San Martin’s army made not the slightest movement towards the town until the 9th, when a small detachment was sent thither.* In the interval, as all the troops were withdrawn and the government broken up, it was apprehended that serious disorders would take place in the city; and Captain Basil Hall of his Britannic Majesty’s ship Conway, sent to offer the services of his seamen and marines to the cabildo, in order to maintain tranquillity and to protect both the public and private property. The general himself arrived at Callao in the schooner Sacramento, on the 6th or 7th; and having waited till one detachment of his army was safely quartered in Lima, and a solemn deputation from the city to invite him to take possession had been sent to him, he landed and went thither quietly on the evening of the 10th.

* Among other patriotic papers printed at the time, there was a sort of comedy, representing the men and women of Lima all on the high road, looking anxiously for the exercito libertador, and lamenting the dilatoriness which keeps it from blessing their sight.

The first days were employed in publishing flattering proclamations, and in those acts of self-praise and congratulation which every general or army occupying a new territory is in the habit of indulging in, but which San Martin carried farther than any commander whose manifestoes I ever had occasion to see. Although he 82 had passed the time since his arrival on the coast of Peru in total inactivity, and although the capital had been reduced by famine occasioned by the exertions of the squadron, aided by the civil dissensions naturally arising from great private distress, yet he takes on himself the style and title of a conqueror, and, to read his official papers, one might think he had won the city by hard fighting. Callao, however, held out, though it was reduced to still greater straits by the occupation of Lima. The squadron continued to attack the forts and gun-boats on every opportunity; and on the 24th, Lord Cochrane, having observed an opening in the chain which secured the vessels, sent in Captain Crosbie with the small boats of the squadron that night, who brought out the San Fernando, Milagro, and Resolution, ships of war, besides several boats and launches, and burned two other vessels. A few days before, the squadron had suffered a severe loss in the San Martin which was wrecked at the Chorillas, having gone thither with corn to be sold to the poor at a low rate on the 15th July, and was totally lost on the 16th.*

* This was prize corn belonging to the squadron, who cheerfully gave it up at the suggestion of San Martin, who took all the credit of the timely supply, while it was literally given by the ships. See the Gazettes and Proclamations of that date.

But the exultation and ferment occasioned by the attainment of the grand prize for which all the exertions of Chile had been made, occupied all tongues and all eyes. On the 28th the independence of Peru was solemnly sworn to; but an incident happened that very night, which, like the sitting of Mordecai the Jew in the king’s gate, poisoned the enjoyment of San Martin. Being at the theatre with Lord Cochrane, the people received them with the loudest acclamations: they gave San Martin all the epithets and titles that could gratify him, except that of brave, which they constantly coupled with Lord Cochrane’s name; an invidious distinction which he complained of to His Lordship on leaving the theatre, who generously made light of it, and applying the words addressed by Cromwell to Lambert, which Lambert afterwards recollected as a prophecy, he said,* “General, they are only old Spaniards, who would shout in the 83 same manner if you and I were going to be hanged.” To which he replied, vehemently repeating the words several times, “Oh, I will punish them in the most cruel manner.”† From this moment his measures against the old Spaniards were determined, although the time was not yet arrived for completing his revenge. Nor were they alone the objects of his anger. To the jealous, “trifles light as air are confirmations strong as proofs of holy writ;” and I have no doubt that his jealousy of Lord Cochrane was increased to that fury which afterwards broke out, in great measure by this circumstance.

On the 29th, the most solemn masses were performed in thanksgiving for the deliverance of Lima from the Spaniards; and San Martin, a professed unbeliever, not content with a decent acquiescence in the rites at which he was necessarily present, distinguished himself by a zeal for all holy things, an energy of worship, and, above all, by excessive veneration for the tutelar Saint Rosa*, which I think rather prejudiced than favoured his cause, even among the clergy themselves. But at this present juncture all means were to be resorted to to conciliate all men; the clergy were particularly courted. A letter was written to the bishop to entreat him to use his good offices to keep the people quiet, and to show them the benefits of the new order of things. The Spaniards were flattered and assured of personal protection, and those who chose to remain were promised also the enjoyment of their whole property upon their soliciting or purchasing letters of citizenship. The officers of the squadron were caressed, and many of them flattered with assurances of honours, rewards, and personal friendship from the general.

* At her church they show the dice with which she used to play when Christ came to amuse her in person. This is one of the most harmless and decent legends concerning her intercourse with the Saviour.

At length, on the fourth of August, the grand measure which all these preparatives announced was carried into effect; and San Martin published a proclamation, declaring himself protector of Peru with an authority absolute and undivided. In direct violation of his 84 former promises*, he tells the Peruvians that his ten years’ experience of revolutions had proved to him the dangers of assembling congresses while the enemy still had footing in the country; and that therefore, till the Spanish forces were entirely driven out, he should direct the affairs of Peru, though he sighed for a private station. He named Garcia del Rio his minister for foreign affairs, Bernardo Monteagado, minister of war and marine, and Torre Tagle that of finance. The despotism was absolute: all old laws were annulled, but nothing was substituted in their room but the protector’s own will; and it was not long before that will displayed itself in acts for which nothing can account but the intoxication occasioned by absolute power.

* See Appendix, for San Martin’s proclamation before the squadron sailed from Chile.

No time was lost in transmitting the tidings of these transactions to the director of Chile; and perhaps San Martin thought, that by sending him the four flags which Osorio had taken at Rancagua, and which were found in the cathedral at Lima, he made up for that breach of his oaths of fidelity to Chile and its government, which he had now virtually committed by declaring himself an independent chief.*

* This seems indeed to have produced great effect on the director, who, in his circular letter published in the Gazette on the 25th August, 1821, congratulating the country on the success of the army and squadron, and on the acquisition of a sister republic, dwells at great length on the restoration of the flags in question. On the 30th of September they were sent in solemn procession, under an escort, to Rancagua, and delivered to the municipality, with a proclamation from the director. On the 2d of October, the anniversary of the unfortunate rout of Rancagua, they were conveyed to the altar of N. S. da Carmen, the protectress of the arms of Chile, and consecrated. The city presented a scene of festivity for several days.

Nor was this the only injury he meditated against the country he had left. The squadron had now been a year in constant activity; scantily supplied at first with rigging and sails, and provisioned only for a few weeks, nothing could have maintained it, but the good conduct of the officers generally, and the activity and vigilance of its commander. Sometimes making use of the powers given him to commute custom-house duties into supplies for the fleet; or, according 85 to the same powers, granting licences to neutrals to trade on the blockaded coast, on the same consideration; at others, purchasing from his own private funds, and those of the officers of the squadron, the articles more immediately necessary; or seizing and converting the enemy’s stores to the use of the patriots; he had thus long kept the squadron afloat. But the time for which the greater part of the seamen had engaged was now expired, and they began to be clamorous for their pay, more especially as the additional bounty of a year’s wages, which was promised to them on the fall of Lima, seemed to have been forgotten. Lord Cochrane applied to San Martin on this head, on the day on which he became protector; excuses were first made on the score of want of funds, although the mint of Lima was in his hands; but at length he declared that he would never pay the squadron of Chile, unless that squadron were sold to him by the admiral, and then the pay should be considered as part of the purchase money. The indignation expressed by Lord Cochrane on this occasion violently exasperated the new protector; but as Callao had not yet fallen, his passions remained under some constraint, though his determination to possess the squadron was probably strengthened. This determination prompted him, in order to prevent the ships from withdrawing from the coast, to refuse all supplies and provisions, (so that the crew of the Lautaro was absolutely starved out, and obliged to abandon her,) in hopes of forcing the officers and men to go over to him.

The day following, Lord Cochrane wrote a letter to the protector, in which he asks him, “What will the world say, if the protector of Peru shall violate, by his very first act, the obligations of San Martin; even although gratitude may be a private and not a public virtue? What will it say, if the protector refuses to pay the expenses of the expedition that has placed him in his present elevated station?—and what will be said if he refuses to reward the seamen, who have so materially contributed to his success?” Notwithstanding this letter, and others still more urgent to the same effect, nothing was done. The ships were left so destitute of sails, rigging, and stores, that their safety was endangered; the provisions 86 were scanty, and consisted solely of old charqui*; the men had no spirits, and their clothes now were in the most wretched condition. The admiral more than once represented that they were on the point of mutiny: he himself remained on board to tranquillise them; for they now began to suspect that there had never been an intention of paying them, and they threatened to seize the ships, and pay themselves, by taking whatever vessels they found on the coasts. On the fifteenth of August, however, alarmed by the representations of Lord Cochrane, the protector renewed his promises of paying the squadron as soon as he should raise money sufficient, having allotted a fifth of the customs for that purpose. That fifth, however, was to be divided with the army; and the sailors were too well accustomed to the nature of divisions with the army, not to be still further irritated by a promise that seemed but a mockery of their sufferings.

* Dried beef.

But before I proceed with the affairs of the squadron, it will be necessary to return to those of the army for the last time, because as San Martin had now declared himself independent, and the liberating army of Chile had become the protecting army of Peru, my design is not to follow their history farther than as it is connected with the concerns of Chile and its squadron.

On Lacerna’s quitting Lima he retreated to Jauja, where he formed a junction with the Spanish General Canterac; and they resolved, if possible, either to succour Callao, or at least to save the treasure which had been deposited there to a vast amount. Had San Martin continued the blockade of the fort by land, as he certainly might have done, especially as the squadron continued active in the bay, having, on the 15th of August, cut out two other ships and a brig from within the booms, such a scheme would have been hopeless; but he had fallen back with his army under the walls of Lima, and Canterac, profiting by the circumstance, made a forced march, and on the 10th of September, reached the neighbourhood of Callao. San Martin’s army was drawn up in order 87 of battle. The brave General Las Heras and Lord Cochrane were on horseback, with some hundreds of officers and private gentlemen, eager to come to action; the enemy’s force was small compared to the protector’s army, and the general himself, as he called to the two officers above-mentioned, seemed really animated with a sincere desire of action, and a determination to engage; but he gradually cooled, wasted the morning in unimportant gossip, went to his customary siesta, and then ordered the soldiers to go to dinner. They however were resolved to exercise their sabres, and accordingly charged a flock of sheep, killed them, and then obeyed the General’s latest orders, while the enemy, unmolested, proceeded to enter Callao. It was on this occasion that Las Heras, after having in vain urged the advantages of attacking Canterac, broke his sword, and vowed never again to wear the habit of that disgraceful day.* The admiral, (it was the last interview he ever had with San Martin,) also urged him, even at the last minute, and pointed out the way still left to preserve his own honour and that of the army; when he answered, “I alone am responsible for the liberty of Peru,” and retired. This scene was followed up on the 15th by one equally disgraceful to the general. Canterac’s army retired from Callao, carrying with it the treasure, and all the military accoutrements, without even an attempt being made to stop them.

* He kept his word, and retired to Chile, where he lived in retirement till San Martin fled thither in Oct. 1823, when Las Heras retired to Buenos Ayres.

Meantime Lord Cochrane and San Martin had both been endeavouring to negotiate for the surrender of Callao, with La Mar the governor. Lord Cochrane, intending to fulfil his promises, offered to give safe conduct and personal protection to all, on condition of delivering the forts to the fleet, giving up one-third of the Spanish property, and paying passage money or freight to such ships as he should provide, to transport them to any country. San Martin, however, who had no intention of keeping his word, offered unlimited and unconditional protection, both to persons and property, 88 on the individual’s purchasing letters of citizenship.* Lord Cochrane’s proposals were therefore rejected, and his hopes of obtaining thereby a sufficient sum for the payment of the seamen, and the repair and refitting of his ships, were frustrated.† He therefore resolved on a bold measure, but one which in the relative circumstances of all parties appears to me to be perfectly just. It must be remembered, as I have stated before, that the squadron had been twelve months at sea in constant activity; the men had received neither pay nor clothing; they had had no supplies of provisions but what they had captured, either on shore or at sea; some of the ships were leaky, and all were in want of stores of every kind; and, above all, the crews, who were at least half English, complained of the want of grog. The army, on the contrary, had been supplied with wasteful profusion, and all the honours and all the advantages of the campaign had been bestowed on its soldiers; its general had thrown off his allegiance to the country to which both army and navy had sworn to be faithful, and now wished to buy that fleet of its officers, which was, in the first place, not theirs to dispose of, and which they were bound to maintain for the Chilian government. San Martin had promised not only to pay but to reward the fleet; but he had failed to do either, and now denied his engagement to that purpose. He had also claimed for his own use several of the prizes made by the squadron.

Alarmed by the advance of Canterac’s troops, San Martin had sent all the money and bullion from the mint and treasury at Lima to Ancon, and shipped it on board the transports, by way of safety. 89 Besides this treasure, there were other public monies, with considerable sums belonging to individuals; and also, on board the Sacramento, the protector’s own private property in gold and silver, the latter of which was in such quantity that the vessel threw out her ballast to make room for it; and the coined gold had loaded four mules, not to speak of gold bullion.*

* The general’s aide-de-camp who embarked this private property, loaded the return mules with goods smuggled from an English vessel, the Rebecca.

As soon as Lord Cochrane knew that so much public property was on board the transports, he sailed for Ancon, where the Lautaro was then lying with the transports, and seized the whole of the money, excepting what was plainly proved to be private property*, and excepting also, the cargo of the Sacramento, which was left untouched.

* Even after he had the treasure on board, all that could prove their right by any writing or witness had their money restored,—this restitution amounted to 40,000 dollars.

The moment San Martin heard of the seizure, he employed every means of flattery and threats to induce Lord Cochrane to give up the public money, and to trust it in the hands of his commissioners, who, in order to save his dignity, would pay the ships’ companies in his name; but to this Lord Cochrane of course refused to consent, though, in hopes that the Protector would send a commissary on board to attend to it, he deferred the payment until the men became so discontented, having begun to desert for want of their pay, that he felt he could no longer delay it. Meantime the forts of Callao had surrendered to the republican flags of Peru and Chile; and all farther dread of danger, from the squadron being in a state to leave the coast, being over, San Martin gave a reluctant consent to the payment of the squadron out of the money taken at Ancon. The ships’ companies were immediately paid, and the officers, with the exception of Lord Cochrane himself, who received nothing, had their full arrears given them.

This, however, was not done without further struggles on San Martin’s part to gain possession of the money, or at least to revenge the taking of it; to gain the first end, he had sent Monteagudo to talk to Lord Cochrane, well knowing that he was skilled to “make the 90 worse appear the better cause;” and then Lord Cochrane agreed, that on condition of receiving necessaries for the ships, and particularly anchors*, some portion of the bullion should be restored; but as the stores, &c. were refused, the money, amounting to 285,000 dollars was detained, and distributed as above stated; regular accounts being kept, and all being placed to the credit of the Chileno government. The scheme for revenge was more successful. At midnight, on the 26th of September, the very day on which the Protector had desired the admiral to make what use he pleased of the money, San Martin’s two aides-de-camp, Captain Spry† and Colonel Paroissien, boarded the several ships of the squadron, and then, for the first time, made known the secret instructions and full powers granted by Chile to the Protector concerning the squadron. Besides this communication, they offered commissions, and held out the prospect of honours, titles, and estates, to such as might desert and serve under Peru. Then, finding that the admiral had discovered their nocturnal visits, Paroissien insolently went to him, and held the same language; hinting that it was better to be admiral of a rich country like Peru, than vice-admiral of so poor a province as Chile, and attempting anew to gain or bribe him. Of those officers who basely deserted their flag on these suggestions, most have been punished by the disappointment of their hopes,—and all by the contempt of both friends and enemies. The seamen were enticed to enter the Peruvian service by every possible means; and, while on shore enjoying themselves after receiving their pay, were either bribed or threatened into compliance. Nay, the faithful officers were put into the guard-house for attempting to induce them to return to their former ships. Thus the squadron, in bad repair and scantily supplied, was half unmanned. Yet, under these circumstances, now that Callao had surrendered, San Martin peremptorily ordered Lord 91 Cochrane to leave the coast of Peru, with all the vessels under his command‡; on which order, communicated through Monteagudo, Lord Cochrane wrote the following letter to that minister, which I insert because it corroborates facts which might otherwise appear incredible:—§

After this letter, little communication, and none of a friendly nature, took place between Lord Cochrane and San Martin. His Lordship continued the payment of the officers and crews, and now that Callao had fallen, the great object for Chile being the taking or destroying the two Spanish frigates Prueba and Venganza, the last of the ships of that nation that remained in the Pacific; he prepared to follow them to the northward, and accordingly sailed for that purpose on the sixth of October.*

* The squadron consisted now of O’Higgins, Captain Crosbie; Valdivia, Captain Cobbet; Independencia, Captain Wilkinson; Lautaro, Captain Worcester; and the San Fernando.

It is now time to return to the domestic affairs of Chile. Benevidies still kept up an active and cruel warfare in the south; and Jose Miguel Carrera, improved by the experience of eight years, and thirsting for revenge on the destroyers of his brothers, was at the 95 head of a small but determined army, and had fought his way across the continent of South America, making alliances with the Indians and keeping up a correspondence with Benevidies by their means as well as with numerous discontented persons in Chile. Benevidies had met with various success, but upon the whole had lost ground. The patriot commanders, of whom Freire was certainly the most distinguished, had gradually closed in upon him, and though he had incited the Indians to commit great ravages, and to burn the farms and carry off the produce of the southern provinces, he received no such aid from them as could prevent his final destruction, unless he received assistance from abroad, which the superiority of the Chileno squadron rendered almost hopeless.

On the 31st of August, Carrera’s army, reduced by its very victories, and now consisting only of 500 soldiers, but embarrassed with a number of women and other followers, was completely routed.

Carrera himself, his second in command Don Jose Maria Benevente, with twenty-three other officers, were taken at the Punta del Medano, and carried to Mendoza, where he and several of his principal officers were shot in the public market-place, by, in my opinion, a piece of the most unjustifiable cruelty and false policy. I refer to Mr. Yates’s paper in the Appendix for the reason of Benevente’s safety, and the particulars of the death of Jose Miguel; the gazettes in which these things were announced to the public, breathe a fierce and atrocious spirit of revenge, disgraceful to the leaders of the nation and to the age.

Don Jose Miguel Carrera was only 35 years of age. His person was remarkably handsome, and his countenance beautiful and prepossessing. I have heard that his eyes seemed even to possess a power of fascination over those he addressed. Among all who have arisen to notice in the struggle for South American independence, he was undoubtedly the most amiable, his genius was versatile, his imagination lively, and his powers great, where he chose to apply them. I have heard that while at Montevideo, he wished to print some papers for distribution, and not having the means to do so, he shut himself up for weeks, and actually constructed a press, and 96 printed his manifesto himself. His spirit was gay and cheerful, and his body indefatigable; but he had little prudence and no reserve, so that he was as little to be trusted with the plans of others as depended on in his own, which, however, were always conceived with precision and energy, and bore directly on the point he aimed at; but then he proclaimed them too openly. He wanted education, for he had neither principles nor reading to direct him; and his character altogether appears to me to resemble no one so much as that of Charles the second’s Duke of Buckingham. It is no wonder therefore that he did not succeed in placing himself, or rather in keeping himself at the head of any of the newly freed states of South America. His love of pleasure led him into expenses which swallowed up the means of either bribing or paying followers, and his careless, easy nature prevented his securing those who might be dangerous to him.

After his death, his principal followers and some of his nearer connexions were put in close confinement, others were banished, and some escaped to the woods and mountains, where they lived precariously till they were either able to get to some friendly place, or till the act of oblivion of September, 1822, allowed them to return to their houses.

The fortune of Chile was thus delivered from the dangers arising from that powerful and active family. The father had died shortly after the execution of his other two sons, and now the last and greatest of his house was gone. Of those bearing the same name, Don Carlos, a quiet citizen, lived at his farm at Viña a la Mar, near Valparaiso, without meddling in politics, and of his three sons, one only survived, whose low habits and mean mind seemed to secure him from either doing or experiencing evil. Of the other two, one had perished early in the revolution, and the other had been killed in an insurrection at Juan Fernandez, whither he had been banished.

The tranquillity of the state was still farther secured by the total overthrow of Benevidies, in the month of December. This man was the son of the inspector of the prison of Quirihue of Conception, 97 and had been a foot soldier in the first army of the patriots; having been made prisoner by the royalists, he entered their army, and was taken soon after by Makenna, who sent him to head-quarters on the banks of the Maule, to be tried as a deserter: thence he escaped, by setting fire to the hut in which he was confined, and returned to the royalists, when he soon distinguished himself by his talents, and bore an honourable rank in the army of Osorio at the battle of Maypù. There he was again taken prisoner, and was condemned to death as a deserter, in company with many others: he fell among the dead, but did not die as was supposed; and in a romantic way he sent to request an interview with San Martin, who appointed to meet him in the plaça alone, and the signal of recognition to be three sparks from the mechero.* Benevideis struck the signal, San Martin presented his pistol in return; Benevideis put it aside, and observing him start, assured him, he did not wish to murder, but to serve him, which he could do effectually by his local knowledge of the southern provinces, and his personal acquaintance with the troops there. San Martin accepted his services, but retained the dread of him, which his sudden and ghastly appearance before him had excited; and therefore, although there was not the slightest ground for supposing he meant to betray him, he began to suspect him, and attempted to seize his person once more. But the spirit of Benevideis revolted at this: being accused of treachery he turned traitor, if it can be called so, and openly joined Osorio; animated by a fierce desire of revenge, which, once awaked, never slept in his bosom. Hence arose the cruelties, and they are monstrous, with which he is charged. He murdered his prisoners in cold blood; and his great delight was to invite the captured officers to an elegant entertainment, and after they had eaten and drunk, march them into his court-yard, while he stood at the window to see them shot. Some to whom he had promised safety he delivered over to the Indians, whose cruel customs 98 with regard to prisoners of war he well knew; and they were horribly murdered. When General Prieto wrote to inform him of the fall of Lima, and the hopelessness of his further perseverance in warfare, he answered, that he would “struggle against Chile with his last soldier, even although it should be acknowledged by the king and the nation.” He fitted out a privateer to cruize against every flag, and so to provide himself with food and ammunition; and at length, on the 1st of February, 1822, finding he could hold out no longer, he attempted to escape to some of the Spanish ports in a small boat, but being obliged to put into Topocalma for water, he was recognised, seized, and sent to Santiago, where, on the 21st, he was tried and sentenced to death.

* The mechero is the aparatus for striking fire to light the segars, which every person in Chile carries with him.

On the 23d he was dragged from prison, tied to the tail of a mule, and then hanged in the palace square: his head and hands were cut off, to be exposed in the towns he had ravaged in the south, and such indignities offered to his remains as appeared more like the revenge of savages than the punishment of a just government in the nineteenth century.

However, though the director gave way to this execution, he forbid any of the followers of Benevideis to be punished with death, as the continental part of Chile was now free from enemies; and there only remained the troops under Quintanilla, who still held out in Chiloe.

It is difficult to imagine on what grounds a report was spread about this time, that when Lord Cochrane sailed in pursuit of the enemy’s frigates towards the northern ports, he would never return to Chile.* Possibly it might arise from the knowledge of the dreadful state of his ships, in which no other commander would probably have ventured to sea; and that some hoped, while many dreaded, that they would never again be heard of. However that may be, San Martin made use of the period of his absence to endeavour to ruin him in 99 the opinion of the government of Chile; and sent his worthy deputies, Colonel Paroissien (who owed every thing to Lord Cochrane) and Garcia del Rio, to Chile, with a string of accusations, some of them of the most ridiculous nature, and others, though of a deeper colour, equally false and impossible with regard to His Lordship. Cowardice, cruelty, and treachery, the vices of his own character, San Martin did not venture to impute to him, so he charged him with dishonesty and avarice; and adduced as proofs, the demands His Lordship had made in behalf of the seamen of the squadron, and for supplies to the ships.† But the government did not appear to believe the charges, though the dread of coming to hostilities with San Martin kept them quiet for the present. Documents, in fact, existed in the public offices at Santiago which disproved the whole of the direct charges against the Admiral. But the latter part of the memorial presented by Paroissien and Del Rio, calling on the Director to inflict condign punishment on Lord Cochrane for slights offered to the honour and dignity of the Protector of Peru, lets us into the whole secret of His Excellency’s motives in attacking one whom the people had called brave and generous, while San Martin was named only the fortunate.

Meantime the squadron had proceeded to Guayaquil; and, notwithstanding the usual opinion, that the river was dangerous, or rather not navigable for large ships, unless they landed their guns at the entrance, the admiral himself piloted the O’Higgins up to the town, and astonished the inhabitants by appearing abreast of their forts on the 18th of October, along with the Independencia, Valdivia, Araucano, San Fernando, and Mercedes. They were extremely well received, and exchanged salutes with the forts.*

* ¼ less 4 was the shallowest water going up. The squadron found seven gun-boats and seven merchantmen in the harbour.

Lord Cochrane then proceeded to repair and refit his ships, for which purpose there could not have been a properer place. Timber 100 of all kinds abounds there, and there were many excellent artificers. The government countenanced and encouraged all his proceedings. Public entertainments were given by both parties, and the most friendly intercourse was kept up.

The expenses of all the repairs, as well as of revictualling the ships, were defrayed by His Lordship, out of money that he had on board belonging to himself and the squadron: they willingly applied it in that way, trusting to be reimbursed by the government of Chile; and they were too eager to accomplish their object of lowering the last Spanish flags flying in the Pacific to brook any delay.

The artificers wrought so diligently, that by the 20th of November the ships were ready for sea. On Lord Cochrane’s departure, the people of Guayaquil complimented him with a poem in his honour, illuminated with gold letters, and placed under a glass in an ebony frame. His Lordship returned the compliment by an address to the people of Guayaquil, which is as follows:—

I have translated this paper to show the spirit in which Lord Cochrane dealt with the South American provinces. No petty intrigues, or bargaining for power or personal advantages, which, situated as he was, he might have commanded to any extent; but contenting 104 himself with the advantages to be fairly derived from the service he had engaged in, he did his utmost to enlighten the countries he protected, and to teach them the principles of rational freedom.

I have now to relate his expedition to Acapulco, which will bring the affairs of Chile and its squadron up to the date of my arrival at Valparaiso, when the rest, to the beginning of 1823, will be given in the course of the Journal.

Although the squadron left Guayaquil on the 20th November, it was the 3d of December before it sailed from the river. The necessity for getting speedily to sea in pursuit of the enemy’s frigates had, of course, precluded more than a temporary repair of the vessels, and I find a notice in the log-book of the O’Higgins, that her leak made three inches of water per hour. On the 5th, the admiral continued on his way, however, coasting the land and examining every port and bay for the objects of his search. On the 19th, the ships anchored in the bay of Fonseca to procure water, and to repair the pumps of the O’Higgins, which were by this time worn out by constant use.

The water first discovered proving too brackish for use, the boats were despatched in search of springs, and, on the 21st, they discovered good water eight miles from the first anchorage; on the 25th the ships removed thither, calling the place Christmas Bay. They set about burning the woods to make a road to the water, and got it both abundant and good. Meantime the O’Higgins had got two new pumps prepared, but the water had risen to such a height in the hold, that the people were baling at all the hatchways; and though by the 26th her pumps were refitted, the after-hold and bread-room were obliged to be cleared, and the provisions were stowed in the hammock nettings. During all this time of difficulty and distress, the admiral was first in all exertions to relieve the ship and people, and the last in every thing like self-accommodation. On one occasion, when every body had given up all for lost, and the carpenter at length, with tears, declared he could do no more, Lord Cochrane took his place, laboured himself till the pumps were brought 105 to act, and inspired courage and spirit that brought about the means of safety. But the crew were so exhausted with their incessant labour of pumping and baling, that thirty men were borrowed from the Valdivia, and twenty from the Independencia, to assist at the pumps; and having at length cleared the ship, on the 28th the squadron left Fonseca bay.

On the 6th January, 1822, Lord Cochrane put into the bay of Tehuantepec* for water, where, not far in-land, he observed five remarkable volcanoes: the district around is said to be fertile, and the town of that name has a tolerable harbour, which, however, has the inconvenience of a bar across the entrance.

* Tehuantepec, taken by the Buccaneers, 1687. There were only 180 of them; they marched 12 miles over-land; took the city, which had a population of 6000 Spaniards and 40,000 negroes and Indians, well fortified, and an abbey also very strong. The Buccaneers took the market-place, with the cannon of the walls; carried the abbey, sword in hand; kept possession and plundered for three days; and then retired in good order to the ships.

On the 15th they hove-to again off a white island, where they found plenty of fresh water; and having refreshed and watered, pursued their voyage on the 19th, and on the 29th anchored at Acapulco. This town, which owes all the celebrity it ever had to the rich Manilla fleets and Spanish galleons which used to anchor in its harbour, which is spacious and safe, is now little better than a mean village. It has a castle, however; a parish church, and two convents. Its permanent inhabitants are about 4000, which number is doubled on the arrival of the now only annual ship from Manilla. At that time a great fair is held, when the inhabitants of the country round assemble, and remain some weeks at Acapulco for the purposes of trade. But they return to their homes as soon as possible, to escape from the fever which is peculiar to the place. The climate is hot, damp, and unhealthy, notwithstanding the admission of the free air through the famous abra de San Nicolas, a passage opened through a mountain for the purpose. After procuring some provisions, the squadron left it on the 3d February, disgusted with the insolence, and, at the same 106 time, the meanness of the governor; and having ascertained that the two frigates had sailed for Guayaquil.

Lord Cochrane therefore began his voyage southward, which was incomparably more irksome than that to the northward had been; for, in addition to the frequent and sudden gusts of wind on that coast, the water was so scarce that they had to watch the thunder showers and catch the rain as it fell in sails; and this was all they had for the ships’ companies. Captain Crosbie told me he had often sat in the quarter-boat with his wide hat on, to catch a good drink in the brim of it, when it was so hot that a draught of cold water was thought of as the highest luxury. All this time the leak in the O’Higgins rather increased than lessened; and, to aggravate their misfortunes, on the 10th the Valdivia discovered a most dangerous leak under her fore-chains, and began to make three feet water per hour. On the 13th they thrummed a sail and passed it under her; but the weather being boisterous, they found it impeded their course, and on the 16th took off the sail and frapping.

The Independencia being in good repair was ordered to remain on this coast, to survey and also to watch the Spanish vessels that might be hovering there. She put into the bay of San Jose for the purpose of watering, salting beef, and making candles; after which she proceeded with her survey, and did not arrive at Valparaiso till the 29th of June.

In the meantime one of her lieutenants, two of her marines, and two seamen, had been murdered on shore.

Lord Cochrane stopped in the bay of Tacames, near the river Esmeralda, for provisions, and then proceeded, in company with the Esmeralda, to Guayaquil, where a decided change in the temper of the government had taken place. The agents of San Martin had arrived; and, partly by bribes, partly by threats, had brought the governor over to their master’s interest, and had excited a jealousy of Lord Cochrane, which, though his activity and spirit might have justified, his experience of his character and conduct ought to have allayed. Some attempts were made to annoy, and some to intimidate His Lordship; 107 but he sailed up to the forts, anchored abreast of them as before, and awed them into decency, if not civility. The Venganza he found at Guayaquil; and certainly had a right to consider her as his lawful prize, having chased her from every other place, and forced her into that port in such a state as to be obliged to surrender; and the Prueba in the same state had gone to Callao. But the agents of Peru had tampered with the commanders of both the Venganza and Prueba; they promised them lands and pensions in Peru, if they would give up the ships to that government, which they accordingly did. So that San Martin thus tricked Chile of the prizes that belonged to her squadron, and induced the captains of the Spanish frigates to sell the ships to which they were appointed by their government. However, Lord Cochrane, determined not to embroil the country he served in any thing like hostilities with its neighbours, sent Captain Crosbie on board the Venganza to take the command for Chile and Peru jointly; and on the representation of the government of Guayaquil, left that frigate in the port under Guayaquil colours, taking a bond that she should not be given up to any other government whatever, without the express consent of Chile, under a penalty of 8,000 dollars. But these South American governments seem to laugh at contracts. This was shortly broken, and the penalty has never been paid; so that the officers and men of the squadron, which pursued them at their own expense, having paid for the repairs, stores, and provisions necessary to enable them to do so, have not only never received the prize-money due for the taking of those ships, but have literally been defrauded of the sums they spent in their pursuit. The causes and consequences of this public dishonesty will appear from some facts which will be hereafter stated.

The squadron put in at Guambacho, a little bay south of Guayaquil, to afford the Valdivia an opportunity of careening. She accordingly repaired the larboard leak, which was the worst, and managed to keep tolerably clear with the pumps, of the water made by the starboard one. The ships then proceeded; and on the 25th of April 108 the O’Higgins and Valdivia reached Callao*, where they remained until the 8th of May. On their arrival, San Martin made every possible effort to get Lord Cochrane into his power, but without effect. Monteagudo went on board to wait on His Lordship. He assured him of San Martin’s high regard for him, entreated him to go ashore, and that the minister, Torre Tagle, had prepared his own house for his reception. He proposed that Lord Cochrane should take upon him the title of admiral of the joint squadrons of Peru and Chile; which was only another means of getting possession of the Chileno ships. He held out to him the prospect of making an immense fortune by the taking of the Philippine Islands, which San Martin contemplated; and, among other bribes, fitted well enough indeed to the semi-barbarous taste of his employer, he talked to Lord Cochrane of a diamond star of the Order of Merit which had been prepared for him, and which, as well as a kind letter from San Martin, had been withheld on the receipt of a letter which he had addressed the day before, which was that of his arrival, to the minister of war. Lord Cochrane’s answer to all this was—That he could not and would not accept office, title, or honours, from a government founded on the breach of that faith which had promised the free choice of its constitution to the people of Peru, and which was supported by tyranny, oppression, and the violation of all laws: that he would hoist no flag but that of Chile on board of her ships; nor would he hoist his on board the Prueba, because he would not deceive the government of Peru. He thanked Torre Tagle for the offer of his house; but had resolved never to set foot in a land governed not only without law, but contrary to law. And that as to fortune, his habits were frugal and his means sufficient.

* When the Honourable Captain F. Spencer, of His Majesty’s ship Alacrity, saluted Lord Cochrane’s flag, His Lordship it is said was unable to return the compliment till next day, his guns being shotted, as it was not safe to be in Callao without precaution.

I have been the more particular in the account of this conference, because it took place on the 26th of April, six weeks after Garcia del 109 Rio and Paroissien had laid their file of accusations against Lord Cochrane before the government of Chile, and had demanded signal vengeance on him in their employer’s name. It sets the character and conduct of San Martin in a light so odious as to gain full credit to the idea, that he was the instigator of two attempts to assassinate the admiral about this time, made by persons who contrived to get on board the ship by stealth. One of these was an Englishman, who had been for some time confined in the prison at Callao for murder of an atrocious kind, and who was suddenly liberated, no one knew how or why. This wretch, on being detected lurking about the ship, could give no account of himself or his business; and it was only known that he was protected by San Martin. That Monteagudo should be the willing agent in a scheme for trepanning Lord Cochrane for the purpose of destroying him, no one who knows his character can doubt; and that both he and San Martin should use courteous promises to lure him ashore for the better and surer accomplishment of their vengeance, those will believe who remember the fate of the prisoners of war who carried letters of recommendation to the governor of San Luis, desiring they might be treated with every courtesy and distinction, and feasted three or four days; but that care was to be taken they did not pass a certain wood; and in that wood several, one of whom was Col. Rodrigues, have disappeared, nor ever have they been heard of since.

Lord Cochrane remained before Callao until the 9th of May: he claimed, though in vain, the arrears of pay and prize-money due by the Peruvian government to the Chileno fleet, and such stores and provisions as were necessary.—The fear that possessed San Martin during the time of the admiral’s stay was ludicrous. He caused the Prueba to be surrounded with booms and chains. Men were so crowded into her that she could scarcely contain them every night, and every thing was done to prevent a fate similar to that of the Esmeralda; but His Lordship is said to have sent word he did not mean to take her, otherwise he would do it in spite of all precautions, and that in midday too.

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On the 2d of June Lord Cochrane brought the O’Higgins and Valdivia to Valparaiso. On the 4th, the following letters of thanks and congratulation were addressed to him and the officers of the squadron by the supreme government at Santiago; and every thing appeared as favourable to the interests of the squadron as they could wish.

Lord Cochrane had now been two years and a half at the head of the naval force of Chile; he had taken, destroyed, or forced to surrender every Spanish vessel in the Pacific; he had cleared the western coast of South America of pirates. He had reduced the most important fortresses of the common enemy of the patriots, either by storm, or by blockade; he had protected the commerce, both of the native and neutral powers; and had added lustre even to the cause of independence, by exploits worthy of his own great name, and a firmness and humanity which had as yet been wanting in the noble struggle for freedom.

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